Yôdh in Arabic) to comprehend, to measure, Is 4012; עִיט (as in Arabic and Syriac) to rush upon, and the denominative perfect קָץ (from קַ֫יִץ) to pass the summer, Is 186. On the other hand, וְדִיגוּם and they shall fish them, Jer 1616, generally explained as perfect Qal, denominative from דָּג fish, probably represents a denominative Piʿēl, וְדִיְגוּ.
[c] Corresponding to verbs properly ע״ו, mentioned in § 72 gg, there are certain verbs ע״י with consonantal Yôdh, as אָיַב to hate, עָיֵף to faint, הָיָה to become, to be, חָיָה to live.
[d] Rem. 1. In the perfect Qal 3rd fem. sing. וְלָ֫נֶה occurs once, Zc 54, for וְלָ֫נָה, with the weakening of the toneless ā to ĕ (as in the fem. participle זוּרֶה Is 595); cf. the analogous examples in § 48 l and § 80 i.—2nd sing. masc. שַׁתָּ֫ה ψ 908, Qerê (before ע; cf. § 72 s); 1st sing. once שַׁתִּ֫י ψ 7328, milraʿ, without any apparent reason; 1st plur. וְלַ֫נּוּ Ju 1913 for lán-nû. The lengthened imperative has the tone on the ultima before gutturals, רִיבָ֫ה יהוה ψ 351; see further, § 72 s.—Examples of the infinitive absolute are: רֹב litigando, Ju 1125, Jb 402; שׂוֹם Jer 4215; שֹׁת ponendo, Is 227. On the other hand, דִיב יָדִיב (for דֹב) Jer 5034, בִּין תָּבִין Pr 231, חול תחיל Ez 3016 Keth., are irregular and perhaps due to incorrect scriptio plena; for the last the Qerê requires הוּל תָּחוּל, but read חוֹל; cf. § 113 x.
[e] 2. The shortened imperfect usually has the form יָבֵן, יָשֵׂם, יָשֵׁת; more rarely, with the tone moved back, e.g. יָ֫רֶב לוֹ Ju 631, cf. Ex 231, אַל־תָּ֫שֶׁת 1 S 920. So with wāw consecutive וַיָ֫שֶׂם and he placed, וַיָ֫בֶן and he perceived; with a middle guttural וַיָ֫עַט בָּהֶם 1 S 2514 (see § 72 ee); with ר as 3rd radical, וַתָּ֫שַׁר Ju 51. As jussive of לִין, תָּלַ֫ן is found in Ju 1920 (in pause) and Jb 172, for תָּלֵן.—For אַל־תָּרוֹב Pr 330 Keth. (Qere תָּרִיב) read תָּרֵב.
[f] 3. As participle active Qal לֵן spending the night, occurs once, Neh 1321; participle passive שִׂים Nu 2421, 1 S 924, Ob 414; feminine שׂוּמָה 2 S 1332, in the Qerê, even according to the reading of the Oriental schools (see p. 38, note 2): the Kethîbh has שִׂימָה. A passive of Qal (cf. above, § 52 e and s, and § 53 u) from שִׂים may perhaps be seen in וַיִּ֫ישֶׂם Gn 5026 (also Gn 2433 Kethîbh ויישם, Qerê וַיּוּשָׂם; the Samaritan in both places has ויושם), and also in יִיסָךְ Ex 3032, Samaritan יוסך. Against the explanation of ייסך as a Hophʿal-form from סוּךְ, Barth (Jubelschrift... Hildesheimer, Berlin, 1890, p. 151) rightly urges that the only example of a Hiphʿîl of סוּךְ is the doubtful וַיָ֫םֶךְ, which is probably an ĭ-imperfect of Qal.—The explanation of יישם, &c., as a passive of Qal arising from yiysam, &c. = yuysam (so Barth, ibid., note 1), is certainly also unconvincing, so that the correctness of the traditional reading is open to question.
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[g] 4. In verbs ע״א the א always retains its censonantal value; these stems are, therefore, to be regarded as verbs middle Guttural (§ 64). An exception is יָנֵאץ Ec 125 if it be imperfect Hiphʿîl of נאץ (for יַנְאֵץ); but if the form has really been correctly transmitted, it should rather be referred to נָצַץ, and regarded as incorrectly written for יָנֵץ. On נָאווּ (from נַֽאֲוָה), which was formerly treated here as ע״א, see now § 75 x.
