ix. In Mn. W. u having come to be sounded ɥ, it becomes i in those positions where ɥ would be so treated: thus barrug, esgus, cynnull are sounded barrig, esgis, cynnill.—D.G. rhymes menig / sarrug 8.—Before i̯ or i it is sounded i. Dr. M. writes iniawn Job i 1; we now say ini̯on ‘straight’ for uni̯on, inig for unig, tostirio for tosturio, etc. Hence carut ti became carit ti, and ‑it in Late Mn. W. replaced ‑ut as the 2nd sg. impf. ending.
x. u being rounded in O. and Ml. W., final ch after it retained its rounding; thus uch ‘higher’ ≡ üu̯ch, sometimes written uwch in Late Ml. W.; when the u was unrounded the glide remained, and the sound became ɥw̯ch as implied in ywch r.p. 1295; this is the present sound; it is written uwch in Mn. W. But in the penult we have uch, as in uchel ‘high’. Hence the mutation, uw: u, § 81.
xi. The modern pronunciation cited in this section is that of Gwynedd, where the sound ɥ or u is quite distinct from the sound i.
§ 78. i. (1) The diphthong oe or oy, O. W. oi, remains finally in only two words: noe ‘basin’, doe ‘yesterday’; Ml. W. had moe ‘more’ also. Elsewhere it is regularly reduced to ‑o, as in creto ‘may believe’ for *cred-hoe appearing as cred-doe b.b. 53, a stray survival, § 183 ii; and in ‑no in personal names for ‑noe, clo for *cloe, etc. § 76 v (5); in am-do ‘shroud’ for *am-doe § 104 ii (2); th or ẟ may be lost after it as in heno ‘to-night‘ < O. W. henoid juv. sk. ≡ henoeth r.p. 1040; it became ui by assim. in hunnoid ox. > hunnuid m.c. > Ml. and Mn. W. hwnnw; and hinnoid gave hynny by analogical assimilation (‑d ≡ ‑ẟ in O.W.). A late example is y ddannodd ‘toothache’ < Ml. W. y ẟannoeẟ § 75 iv (2), in which however the final ‑ẟ remains.
Final ‑aeth > ‑a in the same way in yna, etwa for ynaeth, etwaeth.
(2) Similarly w͡y, O. W. ui, may be reduced to w; cf. hwnnw above. Thus llw ‘oath’ § 104 ii (2); Gronwy w.m. 110, 111 > Gronw do. 101, 104, 105; Gronwy, Goronwy for *gw̯ronwy < *u̯(i)ro-gnā́u̯i̯os § 76 v (5); both forms survived: Pont Ronw (Llanedwen) is called Pont Ronwy by some, but whether the latter is of lit. origin is difficult to decide. So assu a.l. i 144 (≡ assw) < asswy ‘left’;—guru, banu < *gwrw͡y, *banw͡y § 76 v (6);—raccw § 210 x (3)[W 1].—Before a consonant: aor. 3rd sg. ‑w͡ys > ‑ws § 175 i (5); tyngwt b.a. 4 for tyngw͡yt; adeilwt, rannwt g.c. 106, 108; and doubtless impf. 1st sg. ‑wn is for an earlier *‑w͡yn § 180 iii (1); ‑wn for *‑w͡yn § 215 iii (1). So mwrthwl w.m. 46, r.b. 968, D.G. 430, myrthwl r.m. 32 beside mortuyl b.ch. 77, morthwyl, mwrthwyl D.D., morthwyl Bible, spoken lang. mwrthwl pl. mỿrthw͡ylion. Late Mn. W. neithi̯wr ‘last night’ < neithi̯w͡yr § 34 ii, Ml. W. neithẏwyr s.g. 43.
Some cases occur of the late substitution of wy for w: madws ‘high time’ w.m. 22, b.m. 14 (: Sequ. matu.., Lat. mātūrus) is given by Wm.S. and D.D. s.v. as madwys, which is not attested;—cyfarws, w.m. 454, 459–60, later cyfarwys, see Silvan Evans s.v.
ii. (1) In some words oe in the ultima was reduced to e, and w͡y to y; thus *nammoen ‘not more [than]’ became namen b.a. 15, 16 ‘only’,- ↑ On p. xxvii the author says to delete “;—raccw § 210 x (3)”
