and namwyn r.p. 1056 gave Ml. and Mn. W. namyn ‘but, except’, § 222 iii (3);—*mahar-oin (variant maharuin, b.s.ch. 3), Early Ml. W. maharaen a.l. i 278, Ml. and Mn. W. maharen ‘ram’, pl. *meheruin > meheryn; mahar- < *mas-ₑro- ‘male’: Lat. mās, suff. § 153 (5), + oen § 65 ii (2);—*adwoen (written adwaen but rh. with hoen, poen b.b. 70) > adwaen, adwen ‘I know’;—brenhinoet b.b. 53 > brenhineẟ, but ‑oeẟ remains in N. W. and Mn. Lit. W.;—so cefnderweẟ, ewythreẟ. The change seems to be due to unrounding by dissimilation with a labial in the word (teyrneẟ followed the synonymous brenhineẟ). Later examples are Cawlw͡yd, Mawddw͡y now sounded Cowlɥd, Mowddɥ; cf. also a(w)w͡yr > aw̯ɥr, etc. § 38 x.
(2) After a labial O. W. oi > Ml. W. ae; as O. W. guoilaut b.s.ch. 6 > Ml. gw̯aelawt, Mn. gw̯aelod;—W. gw̯ae ‘woe’ for *gw̯oe < *u̯ai: Lat. vae, Goth. wai;—W. gwaeẟ ‘cry’ for *gw̯oeẟ, Ir. fāed < *u̯aid‑: Lith. waidi ‘lamentation’;—baeẟ ‘boar’ < *boeẟ (written baeẟ but rh. with oeẟ b.t. 26, l. 17).
After g‑, oi (oe, oy) became w̯ay, w̯ae as in gw̯ayw̯ ‘spear’ for *goyw̯ § 75 vii (3) written gvaev but rhyming with gloev (gloyw̯) b.b. 72;—gwaed ‘blood’ for *goed = Bret. goad, Leon he c’hoad ‘his blood’ (c’h < g); see gwaet rh. with coet, eirẏoet r.p. 1046.
(3) In the penult oi (oe) became ae before w͡y in aelwyd ‘hearth’: Corn. oilet, Bret. oaled § 104 iv (3);—Aethw͡y< *Oethwy § 76 v (3).
iii. ‑w͡y, or rather Early W. ‑ui, was liable when unaccented to be weakened to oü > Ml. W. eu; thus eu ‘their’ for *wy from *eisṓm § 160 iv;—meu, teu § 75 viii (2), § 161 iv;—pi-eu ‘whose is?’ with eu for *wy < *eset § 179 ix (3), § 192;—asseu, Corneu, Guitneu, Iudnou 76 v (4), (5); neu § 219 i (2).
iv. (1) ui (w͡y) finally or before a vowel was liable to be metathesized to yw; as in yw ‘is’ for *wy § 179 ix (3);—yw ‘to his, to her’ for *w͡y § 160 iv (2);—nyw ‘who…not…him’ for earlier nuy § 160 ii (2).—After a dental it became iw, § 77 v, as in Ml. W. ydiw ‘is’ for *yd-wy;—W. niwed ‘harm’ for *nw͡yet § 76 iv (4).—In Bret. and Corn. this metathesis was carried further: Bret. piou, Corn. pyw, pew: W. pwy ‘who’, etc.
(2) This might happen before a consonant also; but in that case *yw became ü; thus *dw͡yw̯ ‘god’ > *dyw‑w̯ > duw; the form *dwyw is attested in b.t. 10, where, though spelt duw, it rhymes with plwyw (= plwyf?); and it remained in all derivatives, as O. W. duiutit ‘divinity’, Ml. W. dwywes ‘goddess’, dwywawl, Mn. W. dwyfol ‘divine’; the forms duwies ‘goddess’, duwiol ‘pious’ etc. are late deductions from duw;—similarly Early Ml.W. verbal noun deweduyt a.l. i 146, 152, etc. gwedy dywedwyd w. 15a ‘after saying’ > Ml. W. dywedut ‘to say’; the w͡y remains in dywedwydat w.m. 63, r.m. 45 ‘saying’, dywedwydẏat s.g. 171 ‘babbler’.
v. In the penult oe, ae, ei tend to become o, a, e respectively before two consonants, more especially in Mn. W.; thus otva r.p. 1208, s.g. 303,
