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PHILO, often called Philo Judaeus, Jewish philosopher, appears to have spent his whole life at Alexandria, where he was probably born c. 2o-ro B c. His father Alexander was alabarch or arabarch (that is, probably, chief farmer of taxes on the Arabic side of the Nile), from which it may be concluded that the family was influential and wealthy (Jos. Ant. xviii 8,1). Jerome's statement (De vir. ill. 11) that he was of priestly race is confirmed by no older authority. The only event of his life which can be actually dated belongs to A.D. 40, when Philo, then a man of advanced years, went from Alexandria to Rome, at the head of a Jewish embassy, to persuade the emperor Gaius to abstain from claiming divine honour of the Jews Of this embassy Philo has left a full and vivid account (De legalione ad Gazum). Various fathers and theologians of the Church state that in the time of Claudius he met St Peter in Rome;[1] but this legend has no historic value, and probably arose because the book De mia contemplative, ascribed to Philo, in which Eusebius already recognized a glorification of Christian monasticism, seemed to indicate a disposition towards Christianity.

Though we know so little of Philo's own life, his numerous extant writings give the fullest information as to his views of the universe and of life, and his religious and scientific aims, and so enable us adequately to estimate his position and importance in the history of thought. He is quite the most important representative of Hellenistic Judaism, and his writings give us the clearest view of what this development of Judaism was and aimed at. The development of Judaism in the diaspora (q v.) differed in important points from that in Palestine; where, since the successful opposition of the Maccabee age to the Hellenization which Antiochus Epiphanes had sought to carry through by force, the attitude of the nation to Greek culture had been essentially negative. In the diaspora, on the other hand, the Jews had been deeply influenced by the Greeks; they soon more or less forgot their Semitic mother tongue, and with the language of Hellas they appropriated much of Hellenic culture. They were deeply impressed by that irresistible force which was blending all races and nations into one great cosmopolitan unity, and so the Jews too on their dispersion became in speech and nationality Greeks, or rather " Hellenists." Now the distinguishing character of Hellenism is not the absolute disappearance of the Oriental civilizations before that of Greece but the combination of the two with a preponderance of the Greek element. So it was with the Jews, but in their case the old religion had much more persistence than in other Hellenistic circles, though in other respects they too yielded to the superior force of Greek civilization. This we must hold to have been the case not only in Alexandria but throughout the diaspora from the commencement of the Hellenistic period down to the later Roman Empire. It was only after ancient civilization gave way before the barbarian immigrations and the rising force of Christianity that rabbinism became supreme even among the Jews of the diaspora. This Hellenistico-Judaic phase of culture is sometimes called " Alexandrian, " and the expression is justifiable if it only means that in Alexandria it attained its highest development and flourished most. For here the Jews began to busy themselves with Greek literature even under their clement rulers, the first Ptolemies, and here the law and other Scriptures were first translated into Greek, here the process of fusion began earliest and proceeded with greatest rapidity; here, therefore, also the Jews first engaged in a scientific study of Greek philosophy and transplanted that philosophy to the soil of Judaism. We read of a Jewish philosopher Aristobulus in the time of Ptolemy VI. Philometor, in the middle of the 2nd century Bc., of whose philosophical commentary on the Pentateuch fragments have been preserved by Clement of Alexandria and Eusebius. So far as We can judge from these, his aim was to put upon the sacred text a sense which should appeal even to Greek readers, and in particular to get rid of all anthropomorphic utterances about God. Eusebius regards him as a Peripatetic. We may suppose that this philosophical line of thought had its representatives in Alexandria between the times of Aristobulus and Philo, but we are not acquainted with the names of any such. Philo certainly, to judge by his historical influence, was the greatest of all these Jewish philosophers, and in his case we can follow in detail the methods by which Greek culture was harmonized with Jewish faith. On one side he is quite a Greek, on the other quite a Jew. His language is formed on the best classical models, especially Plato. He knows and often cites the great Greek poets, particularly Homer and the tragedians, but his chief studies had been in Greek philosophy, and he speaks of Heraclitus, Plato, the Stoics and the Pythagoreans in terms of the highest veneration. He had appropriated their doctrines so completely that he must himself be reckoned among the Greek philosophers; his system was eclectic, but the borrowed elements are combined into a new unity with so much originality that at the same time he may fairly be regarded as representing a philosophy of his own, which has for its characteristic feature the constant prominence of a fundamental religious idea. Philo's closest affinities are with Plato, the later Pythagoreans and the Stoics.[2] Yet with all this Philo remained a Jew, and a great part of his writings is expressly directed to recommend Judaism to the respect and, if possible, the acceptance of the Greeks. He was not a stranger to the specifically Jewish culture that prevailed in Palestine; in Hebrew he was not proficient, but the numerous etymologies he gives show that he had made some study of that language.[3] His method of exegesis is in point of form identical with that of the Palestinian scribes, and in point of matter coincidences are not absolutely rare.[4] But above all his whole works prove on every page that he felt himself to be thoroughly a Jew, and desired to be nothing else. Jewish "philosophy" is to him the true and highest wisdom, the knowledge of God and of things divine and human which is contained in the Mosaic Scriptures is to him the deepest and the purest.

If now we ask wherein Philo's Judaism consisted we must answer that it lies mainly in the formal claim that the Jewish people, in virtue of the divine revelation given to Moses, possesses the true knowledge in things religious. Thoroughly Jewish is his recognition that the Mosaic Scriptures of the Pentateuch are of absolute divine authority, and that everything they contain is valuable and significant because divinely revealed. The other Jewish Scriptures are also recognized as prophetic, ie. as the writings of inspired men, but he does not place them on the same lines with the law, and he quotes them so seldom that we cannot determine the compass of his canon. The decisive and normative authority is to him the "holy laws" of Moses, and this not only in the sense that everything they contain is true but that all truth is contained in them. Everything that is right and good in the doctrines of the Greek philosophers had already been quite as well, or even better, taught by Moses Thus, since Philo had been deeply influenced by the teachings of Greek philosophy he actually finds in the Pentateuch everything which he had learned from the Greeks From these premises he assumes as requiring no proof that the Greek philosophers must in some way have drawn from Moses, a vie indeed which is already expressed by Aristobulus. To carry out these presuppositions called for an exegetical method which seems very strange to us, that, namely, of the allegorical interpretation of Scripture The allegorical method had been practised before Philo's date in the rabbinical schools of Palestine, and he himself expressly refers to its use by his predecessors, nor does he feel that any further justification is requisite. With its aid he discovers indications of the profoundest doctrines of philosophy in the simplest stories of the Pentateuch.[5]

This merely formal principle of the absolute authority of Moses is really the one point in which Philo still holds to genuinely e 1sh conceptions In the whole substance of his philosophy the Jewish point of view 1S more or less completely modified-sometimes almost extinguished-by what he has learned from the Greeks Comparatively speaking, he is most truly a Jew in his conception of God. The doctrine of monotheism, the stress laid on the absolute majesty and sovereignty of God above the world, the principle that He is to be worshipped without images, are all points in which Philo justly feels his superiority as a Jew over popular heathenism. But only over popular heathenism, for the Greek philosophers had long since arrived at least at a theoretical monotheism, and their influence on Philo is nowhere more strongly seen than in the detailed development of his doctrine of God. The specifically Jewish (z e particularistic) conception of the election of Israel, the obligation of the Mosaic law, the future glory of the chosen nation, have almost disappeared, he is really a cosmopolitan and praises the Mosaic law just because he deems it cosmopolitan. The true sage vsho follo's the law of Moses is the citizen not of a particular state but of the world. A certain attachment which Philo still manifests to the particularistic conceptions of his race is meant only "in majorem ]udaeorum gloriam." The Jewish people has received a certain preference from God, but only because it has the most virtuous ancestry and is itself distinguished for virtue The Mosaic law is binding, but only because it is the most righteous, humane and rational of laws, and even its outward ceremonies always disclose rational ideas and aims. And lastly, outward prosperity is promised to the pious, even on earth, but the promise belongs to all who turn from idols to the true God. Thus, in the whole substance of his view of the universe, Philo occupies the standpoint of Greek philosophy rather than of national Judaism, and his philosophy of the world and of life can be completely set forth without any reference to conceptions specifically Jewish.

His doctrine of God starts from the idea that God is a Being absolutely bare of quality. All quality in finite beings has limitation, and no limitation can be predicated of God, who is eternal, unchangeable simple substance, free, self-sufficient, better than the good and the beautiful. To predicate any quality tfroebrns) of God would be to reduce Him to the sphere of unite existence Of Him we can say only that He is, not what He is, and such purely negative predication's as to His being appear to Philo, as to the later Pythagoreans and the Neoplatonists, the only way of securing His absolute elevation above the world At bottom, no doubt, the meaning of these negations is that God is the most perfect being, and so, conversely, me are told that God contains all perfection, that He fills and encompasses all things with His being. A consistent application of Philo's abstract conception of God would exclude the possibility of any active relation of God to the world, and therefore of religion, for a Being absolutely without quality and movement cannot be conceived as actively concerned with the multiplicity of individual things And so in fact Philo does teach that the absolute perfection, purity and loftiness of God would be violated by direct contact with imperfect, impure and finite things. But the possibility of a connexion between God and the world is reached through a distinction which forms the most important point in his theology and cosmology, the proper Being of God is distinguished from the infinite multiplicity of divine Ideas or Forces. God himself is I without quality, but He disposes of an infinite variety of divine Forces, through whose mediation an active relation of God to the world, is brought about. In the details of his teaching as to these mediating entities Philo is guided partly by Plato and partly by the Stoics, but at the same time he makes use of the concrete religious conceptions of heathenism and judaism. Following Plato, he first calls them Ideas or ideal patterns of all things, they are thoughts of God, yet posess a real existence, and were produced before the creation ofs the sensible world, of which they are the types. But, in distinction from Plato, Philo's ideas are at the same time efficient causes or Forces (éuvd/ms), which bring unformed matter into order conform ably to the patterns within themselves, and are in fact the media of all God's activity in the world This modification of the Platonic Ideas is due to Stoic influence, which appears also when Philo gives to the iééat or évvd/aeis the name of)é7o¢, z.e. operative ideas-parts, as it were, of the operative Reason. Tor, when Philo calls his mediating entities }é'yoL, the sense designed is analogous to that of the Stoics when they call God the Logos, ae. the Reason which operates in the world. But at the same time Philo maintains that the divine Forces are identical with the " daemons " of the Greeks, and the " angels " of the Jews, i e servants and messengers of God by means of which He communicates with the finite world All this shows how uncertain was Philo's conception of the nature of these mediating Forces. On the one hand they are nothing else than Ideas of individual things conceived in the mind of God, and as such ought to have no other reality than that of immanent existence in God, and so Philo says expressly that the totality of Ideas, the K60'/.LOS 1/o1;v'6s, is simply the Reason of God as Creator (0eo5 }'yo; 7657] /<o<mo1roLoO1/1-os). Yet, on the other hand, they are represented as hypostases distinct from God, individual entities existing independently and apart from Him. Tlns vacillation, however, as Zeller and other recent writers have justly remarked, is necessarily involved in Ph1lo's premises, for, on the one hand, it is God who works in the world through His Ideas, and therefore they must be identical with God, but, on the other hand, God is not to come into direct contact with the world, and therefore the Forces through which He works must be distinct from Him. The same inevitable amphiboly dominates in what is taught as to the supreme Idea or Logos. Philo regards all individual Ideas as comprehended in one highest and most general Idea or Force-the unity of the individual Ideas-which he calls the Logos or Reason of God, and which is again regarded as operative Reason. The Logos, therefore, is the highest mediator between God and the world, the firstborn son of God, the archangel who is the vehicle of all revelation, and the high priest who stands before God on behalf of the world. Through him the world was created, and so he is identified with the creative Word of God in Genesis (the Greek)'yos meaning both " reason " and " word "). Here again, we see, the philosopher is unable to escape from the difficulty that the Logos is at once the immanent Reason of God, and yet also an hypo stasis standing between God and the world. The whole doctrine of this mediatorial hypo stasis is a strange intertwining of very dissimilar threads; on one side the way was prepared for it by the older Jewish distinction between the Wisdom of God and God Himself, of which we find the beginnings even in the Old Testament (Job xxviii 12 seq.; Prov. viii, ix), and the fuller development in the books of Ecclesiasticus and Wisdom, the latter of which comes very near to Philo's ideas if we substitute for the term "wisdom" that of (divine) " Reason." In Greek philosophy, again, Philo, as we have seen, chiefly follows the Platonic doctrines of Ideas and the Soul of the World, and the Stoic doctrine of God as the hofyos or Reason operative in the world. In its Stoic form the latter doctrine was pantheistic, but Philo could adapt it to his purpose simply by drawing a sharper distinction between the Logos and the world.

Like his doctrine of God, Philo's doctrine of the world and creation rests on the presupposition of an absolute metaphysical contrast between God and the world. The world can be ascribed to God only in so far as it is a cosmos or orderly world, its material substratum is not even indirectly referable to God. llatter (UM, or, as the Stoics said, oiioia) is a second principle, but in itself an empty one, its essence being a mere negation of all true being It is a lifeless, unmoved, shapeless mass, out of which God formed the actual world by means of the Logos and divine Forces. Strictly speaking, the world is only formed, not created, since matter did not originate with God.

Philo's doctrine of man is also strictly dualistic, and is mainly derived from Plato. Man is a twofold being, with a higher and a loer origin Of the pure souls which fill airy space, those nearest the earth are attracted by the sensible and descend into sensible bodies, these souls are the Godward side of man. But on his other side man is a creature of sense, and so has in him a fountain of sin and all evil. The body, therefore, is a prison, a coffin, or a grave for the soul which seeks to rise again to God. From this anthropology the principles of Philo's ethics are derived, its highest maxim necessarily being deliverance from the world of sense and the mortification of all the impulses of sense In carrying out this thought, as in many other details of his ethical teaching, Philo closely follows the Stoics. But he is separated from Stoical ethics by his strong religious interests, which carry him to very different views of the means and aim of ethical development. The Stoics cast man upon his own resources; Philo points him to the assistance of God, without from man, a captive to sense, could never raise himself to walk in the ways of true wisdom and virtue. And as moral effort can bear fruit only with God's help, so too God Himself is the goal of that effort. Even in this life the truly wise and virtuous is lifted above his sensible existence, and enjoys in ecstasy the son of God, his own consciousness sinking and disappearing in the divine right. Beyond this ecstasy there lies but one further step, viz. entire liberation from the body of sense and the return of the soul to its original condition; it came from God and must rise to Him again. But natural death brings this consummation only to those who, while they lived on earth, kept themselves free from attachment to the things of sense; all others must at death pass into another body; transmigration of souls is in fact the necessary consequence of Philo's premises, though he seldom speaks of it expressly.

Philo's literary labours have a twofold object, being directed either to expound the true sense of the Mosaic law, 1 e. the philosophy 11lLh we have just described, to his Jewish brethren, or to convince heathen readers of the excellence, the supreme purity and truth, of the jewish religion, whose holy records contain the deepest and most perfect philosophy, the best and most humane legislation. Thus as a literary figure Philo, in conformity with his education and es of life, stands between the Greeks and the Jews, seeking to gain the Jews for Hellenism and the Greeks for judaism, yet always taking it for granted that his standpoint really ls Jewish, and Just on that account truly philosophical and cosmopolitan.

The titles of the numerous extant writings of Philo present at first sight a most confusing multiplicity. More than three-fourths of them, however, are really mere sections of a small number of larger orks. Three such great works on the Pentateuch can be distinguished.

1. The smallest of these is the Znrlyaara:cal Meer: (Quaeslzones el solutzones), a short exposition of Genesis and Exodus, in the form of question and answer. The work IS cited under this title by Eusebius (H. E ii. 18, 1, 5; Praep E11 vii 13), and by later wrlters, but the Greek text 1S now almost wholly lost, and only about one-half preserved in an Armenian translation. Genesis seems to have occ11p1ed six books[6] Eusebius tells us that Exodus fillefl fue books In the Armenian translation, first published by the learned Mechitarist, j Bapt Aucher, in 1826, are preserved four books on Genesis and two on Exodus, but with lacunae. A Latin fragment, about half of the fourth books on Genesis (Phzl Jud CII. guaesll. . . super Gen), was first prlnted at Paris 1n 1520 Of the Greek we have numerous but short fragments in various Florilegia[7] The interpretations in this work are partly literal and partly allegorical.

ll. Philo's most important work is the Nopwv ifpdw ahxnvapfal (Euseb H. E. 11. 18, 1, Phot. Bzbl. Cod. 103), a vast and copious allegorical commentary on Genesis, dealing with chaps. 11.-IV., verse by verse, and with select passages in the later chapters. The readers in view are mainly Jews, for the form 1S modelled on the rabbinic Midrash. The main idea is that the characters which appear in Genesis are properly allegories of states of the soul (1-pbvrel 1-is tbuxis). All persons and actions being interpreted in this sense, the work as a whole is a very extensive body of psychology and ethics. It begins with Gen. ii. 1, for the De mundz opzfcw, which treats of the creation according to Gen i, ii., does not belong to this series of allegorical commentaries, but deals with the actual history of creation, and that under a quite different literary form. With this exception, however, the Nbawv dkknvoplat includes all the treatises in the first volume of Mangey's edition, viz-N6/J.wv Zepibv &}}'r1'yo/afar 1rp&.Ta¢ Tal/ nerd Tm/ éianpepov (Legum allegoMa1um, 11b. i., M. i. 43~65), on Gen ii. 1-17. (2) Nou Zep ahh Bebrepat (Leg. all. 11b. ii., M. i. 66-86), on Gen ii 18-111 Ia. (3)N6;a. iep. aM. 1-pina (Leg. all. lib. ni, M. i. 87-137), on Gen in Sb-19. The commentaries on Gen. ui. 1b-Sa, 20-23 are lost (4) Ilepi 1-av Xepouma Kal Tis ¢K0'Y|lVT]S' /3op.q5afas Kal T05 KT(U'0é1/TOS vrpdvrou éi du/0p<b1rou Kaw (De cherubzm et jlammeo gladw, M. i. 138-162), on Gen 11i 24 and iv. I. (5) H6/Jil dw l.E/JOU/.7'Y0l'-lll'LV 'Afi'e} T6:cal Kdw (De Sacfzjicus Abelzs et Calm, M. i. 163-190), on Gen. iv. 2-4. The commentaries on Gen. iv. 5-7 are lost. (6) He/al T00 fb Xe?/Jov TQ: Kpelrrow 4>L}e'Ev évm-26'e¢r0a< (Quod detenus ponon mszdzan soleal, M. i 191-225), on Gen. iv. 8-15. () Ile/al 1'<'iW Toi) 50KT]U'LU'6d)0U Kan/ é'y'y61/wv Kal das /dev-avdm-ng 'ying-at gDeposlentale Calm, &c., M. i 226-261), on Gen. iv. 16-25; this book, which is wanting in ed1t1ons prior to Mangey's, is incorrectly given by him, but much more correctly by T1SCh€nd0ff, Phzlonea, pp. 84-143. None of the preceding is mentioned by its special title by Euseb. HE. ii. 18, while he cites all that follow by their titles. The reason must be that all up to this point, and no further, are included by him in the Nbawv Zepav &>>ry0p2a<; agreeing with this we find that these, and these only, are cited under that general title in the Florllegla, especially the so-called Johannes M onachus medzlus (see Mangey's notes before each book). We may therefore conclude with confidence that Philo published the continuous commentaries on Gen il -iv. under the title Allegones of the Sacred Laws, and the following commentaries on select passages under special titles, th011gh the identity of literary character entitles us to regard the latter as part of the same great llterary plan with the former. (8) IIE/Ji 'yvyavrwv (De zganlzbus, M. i. 262-272), on Gen. vi. 1-4. (9) On dv-pam-ov 1-6 0e?ov (€Quod Deus su! zmmulabzlzs, M. i. 272-299), on Gen. vi. 4-12. (10) Ile/al 'yfwpvfas (De agncultura, M. i 300-328), on Gen. iX. 203. (11) Ile/al ¢UTOU/J'Yl¢'LS' Nibe rd Beifrepov (De plantanone Noe, M. i. 329-356), on Gen 1x. 20b. 512) Ile/12, uétlns (De ebnetate, M. i. 357-391), on Gen. ix 21; the 1ntro uct1on shows that this book was preceded by another which put together the views of the philosophers about drunkenness. (13) Ileplrofaiiéz/11PeN&>e (De sobmetate, M. i. 392-403), on Gen. ix. 24. (14) Ile/at auvxbaews 5LG.)éKTwV (Dc confuswne lmguarum, M. i. 404-435), on Gen. xi. I*9. (15) Ilepiavrol/ua; (De mlgralwneAb1ahamz, M.1 436-472), on Gen xii. 1-6. (16) He/Ji. Toi] Tfs 6 1'¢1'W 0e2o.>v 1rpa'y/J.6¢Twv xhnpovb/Los (Quls rerum dwmarum haeres sn, M. 1. 473-518), on Gen. xv. 1-18. (17) He/al Tis els TEL 1rpo1ra¢§ e0p.a1'a cruvédou (De congfessu quaerendae erudmoms causa, M. i. 519-545), on Gen. xvi. 1-6. (18) 1'Iepl¢>u'ya§ wv (De profugzs, M. i. 546-577), on Gen. xvi. 6-14 (19) Ilfpl -rv p.e1'ovo;.:.a§ 'o/J.c1/wv Kal dw evefca;.1.eTovop.a§ 'o1/far (De mulalzone nomznum, M. i 578-619), on Gen. xvii I-22, in this work Philo mentions that he had written two books, now wholly lost, Ile/al 61w6m<¢3v (M. i 586). (20) Ile/Jl Toi) 0eo1ré/J.1rTous° eil/at Tous 61/62/JOUS (De somnus, llb. i., M. i. 620-658), on the two dreams of Jacob, Gen. xxv111. and xxxi. (21) Book 11 of the same (M i 659-699), on the dreams of Joseph, the chief butler, the chief baker, and Pharaoh, Gen. xxxvn. and xl, xli Eusebius makes Philo the author of five books on dreams; three, therefore, are lost.

III. A work of a very different kind is the group of writings which we may call "An Exposition of the Mosaic law for Gentiles," which, in spite of their very various contents, present on nearer examination indubitable marks of close connexion In them Philo seeks to give an orderly view of the chief points of the Mosaic legislation in the Pentateuch, and to recommend it as valuable to Gentile readers. The method of exposition is somewhat; more popular than in the allegorical commentaries, for, though that method of interpretation is not wholly excluded, the main object is to give such a view of the legislation as Philo accepted as historical. This work has three main divisions (a) an Account of the creation (noafaon-alfa) which Moses put first to show that his legislation was conformed to the will of nature, and that therefore those who followed it were true cosmopolitans; (b) the Biogra hies of the Virtuous-being, so to speak, the living unwritten laws which, unlike written laws, present the general types of moral conduct; (a) Legislation Proper, in two subdivisions-(11) the ten principal chapters of the law, (B) the special laws belonging to each of these ten. An appendix adds a view of such laws as do not fall under the rubrics of the Decalogue, arranged under the headings of certain cardinal Virtues.

The treatises which belong to this work are the followin: (1) Ilfpl 1-is Mwuaéws 1<0aa0110110.s (De mu11d1 0F1fl;6'L0, M. i. 1-42). gfhis work does not fall within the number o the allegorical commentaries. On the other hand, the introduction to the treatise De Abrahama makes clear its immediate connexion with the De mund1 ap1jia1a. I' he position of the De mund1 ap1fic1a at the head of the allegorical commentaries, which is at present usual in the editions, seems indeed to go back to a very early date, for even Eusebius cxtes a passage from it with the formula éwrb 1-09 1rpd»1-0u 1-(iw els Télf v0, u0v (Praep. Ev. un 12 fin, ed. Gaisford). The group of the BL01 a0q>¢2»v is headed by (2) Bws a'o¢>o1') T05 KIZTIZ 6L6a.mca.7ia.v 1'f)fLw0év1'os '71 1rf/ri vépwv 6.'yp6.¢wv 11], 5 éa1-1 1rfp2 'ABp0.é.a (De Abrahama, M. ii. 1"4O). Abraham is here set forth as the type of 6L5U.0'Kll)LK7) dpe1-13, 1 e. of virtue as a thing learned. This biography of Abraham was followed by that of Isaac as a type of ¢u0u<1) 6-PET7), 1 e. of innate or natural virtue, which in turn was succeeded by that of Jacob as re resenting dmc uw) &f7ET'f], 1 e. virtue acquired by practice; but both these are now Tost. Hence in the editions the next treatise is (3) Blos 1r0)-was 57617 £01-2 npl 'Iw¢r1;¢ (De Jarepha, M. ii. 41-7), where jose h is taken as the pattern of the wise man in his civil) relations. The Biographies of the Virtuous are followed by (4) Ilepi 1-dw 6é1<a.)-ylwv 6. 1<c¢é.).w. véuwv fini (De deaalaga, M. ii. 180*209) and (5) Hep! 1-dw dva¢ep0aévwv Ev EZBEL V6/.nav sis rd. auvfeivovfa Ke¢&)a.La. TCQW 6éxa.)'ywv (De vpea1a11bu.v legzbus; the unabridged title is given by Eusebius, H.E. ii. 18, 5). Here under the rubrics of the ten commandments a systematic review of the special laws of the Mosaic economy is given; for example, under the first and second commandments (divine worship) a survey is taken of the entire legislation relating to priesthood and sacrifice; under the fourth (1 e. the Sabbath law, according to Ph1lo's reckoning) there is a survey of all the laws about feasts; under the sixth (adultery) an account of matrimonial law; and so on. According to Eusebius the work embraced four books, which seem to have reached us entire, but in the editions have been perversely broken up into a considerable number of separate command 210-212);

tract ates (a) The first book (on the first and second ments) includes the following: De a1rauma1.v1ane (M. ii. De manarch1a, lib. i. (ii. 21 -222); De manarchm, lib. ii. (ii. 222-232); De praemus .vacerdatum (ii 232-237); De v1ct1m1s (ii. 237-250); De raawficanlzbus or De v1at1ma.v a erentzbus ii 2 1-264); De 264-269).

zréerglelde mereé1'f1.v krgan gaa11{;1e§ dd 1nh.vaa;a{1§ u{lr1 (ii. d e secon oo ont et ir, iourt an't comman ments

1 e. on perjury, Sabbath observance, and filial piety) is incomplete in Mangey (11. 270-298), the sectxon De .ve€lena1'1a (on the Sabbath ind feasts ua general) being imperfect, and t at De galendm parenhbus exng entire y wanting. Mai to a arge extent ma e good the defect (De aaphzm ferla et de calendar parent1bu.v, Milan, 1818), but Tischendorf was the first to edit the full text (Phdanea, pp. 1-83). (a) The thigd book relaéles to the sixth ang! seventgll commandments (adultery an mur er; .11. 299»334. d Tot e ourt book relating to the last three commandments) befongs all that is found in Mangey, ll 335-5274, that is to say, not merely the tract ates De jud1ce (ii. 344-348) an De aancup1scent1a (ii. 348-358), but also those De ]u.v1111a (11. 3518j361) and 'De crealizane pranmpum (ii. 361f-374). The lastname is, propery spea in, ony a portion o the De ju.vt1r1a, which, however, certainly belongs to the fourth book, of which the superscription expressly bears that it treats also 1repl 6u<0.10abv1;s. with this tractlatehbegués t11e1appe)ndix to the work De spec1a11bus egz us, into w ic, un er the ru ric o certain cardinal virtues, smélh Mosaic l aw}s are b1]ought together aékirould not be dealt with un er any o the eca ogue ru rics. e continuation of this appendlx forms a book by itself. (6) Hepl 1p1€»v df767'¢:'V #TOL 1r¢p2 dvépeias nal ¢LxllV6Pw7|'[llS ml [LSTIZVOIIZS (De f0f1Z¢ud1n€, M. ii. 375"

383; De aarzlale, ii 383~4o5; De aemtenna, ii. 405-407). Finally, in less intimate connexion with tgis entire work is another treatise;t1ll to bxel mentioned, rg) I§ eplH&0;¢;v 1<0.2(%r.11;1Lwv (De gbraergav et 061115, 1 ll 40 -42 an ep pdw e exeara1an1 us, . 11. 429-457), tvso parts which constitute a single whole and deal with thfixproéniszas audi threatenings oé thle law. h esi es the a ove-name t ree great works on the Pentateuch, Philo was the author of a number of isolated writings, of twhich the foglgwmg hgve reached eith; in thfeir entirety or in ragments 1 Heal [ov Mwaéws ua 05118, i i.-iii., M. ii. 80-179) It is usual to group this, as being biographical in its character, with the B101 a04>¢'2»v, and thus to incorporate it immef11ately afterBthe Deh./aslepha with tkhe large work on the Mosaic egis atlon ut, as as een seen, the B501 ¢r0qb¢7w are intended to represent the general types of moralit y, while Moses is by no means sp! deallt with. buthas a 11n1qfueh1nC%}v1d1;lz;l. All that can be said i? t at the lterary c aracter o the 11a aszs is the same as t at o the larger work. As in the latter the Mosaic legislation, so in the former the activity of the legislator himself, is delineated for the benefit of Gentile readers. (2) Hepi 1-05 1|'é.l'Ttl 0'7|'0U6llTOV EIVIZL é)e{/Hfpoxf (Quad amms prabus 11be1', M. 11. 445-470). In the introduction to this treatise reference is made to an earlier book which had for its theme the converse proposition. The complete work was still extant in the time of Eusebius (H. E. ii. 18, 6). Hepi 1-00 5oll)ov fivzu Fd-VTE ¢a.i'f)v, cb EH): éarlvo 1rfpl T03 7|'&.V7'll 0'7|'0U5t120V %)ff,0fpov fival.. The genuineness of the writing now possessed by us is not undisputeci but see Lucius, Der E.v.ven1.vmus (1881), . 13-23. (3) Eis Mua<0v (Adversus Flaccum, M. ii. 517»544) QIICIDE4) Hep! dpf1-dw

cal 1rpfrrBe£a.s 1rp0s I'd10v (De legat1a11e ad Ga1um, M. ii. 545-600). These two works have a very intimate connexion. In the first Philo relates how the Roman governor F laccus in Alexandria, towards the beginning of the reign of Caligula, allowed the Alexandrian mob, without interference, to insult the Jews of that city in the grossest manner, and even to persecute them to the sheddin of blood. In the second he tells how the Jews had been subjected to still greater sufferings through the command of Caligula that divine honours should be everywhere accorded to him, and how the Jews of Alexandria in vain sought relief by a mission to Rome which was headed by Philo. But both together were onl parts of a larger work, in five books, of which the first two andy the last have perished. For it is clear from the introduction to the Adversus Flaacum that it had been preceded by another book in which the Jewish persecutions by Sejanus, under the reign of Tiberius, were spoken of, and the Chramaan of Eusebius (ed. Schoene, ii. 150, 151) informs us that these persecutions of Sejanus were related in the second book of the Work now under discussion. But from the conclusion of the Legat1a ad Ga1um, which we still possess, we learn that it was also followed by another book which exhibited the 7|'llALV({J(Sftl, or change of Jewish fortunes for the better. Thus we make out five books in all-the number actually given by Eusebius (H.E. ii. 5, 1). (5) Hep! 1rp0v010.s (De prav1dent1a). 'Dhis work has reached us only in an Armenian translation, which has been edited, with a Latin translation, by Aucher (see below), 1822. It is mentioned by its Greek title in Eusebius (H E. ii. 18, 6; Praep. Ev. vii. 20 fin., viii. 13 fin., ed. Gaisford). The Armenian text gives two books, but of these the first, if genuine at all, at any rate appears only in an abridged and somewhat revised state.[8] Eusebius (Praep. Ev. viii. 14) quotes from the second book to an extent that amounts to a series of excerpts from the whole. The short passage in Praep. Ev. vii. 21, is also taken from this book, and it appears that Eusebius knew nothing at all about the first. (6)'A)é£a.v6p0s -F1 76/72 -r00)'y0v 'éxew 1-xl. &)-ya. § ¢2»a.(De Alexandra ef quad praprzam rat1anen1 muta amn1a11a habeant; so Jerome, De V11'. Ill. c. 11); the Greek title is given in Euseb. H.E. ii. 18, 6. This also now exists only in an Armenian translation, which has been edited by Aucher. Two small Greek fragments occur in the Flar1leg1um of Leontius and johannes (Mai, Ser. vet. nov. call. vii. 1, p . 9, 100a). (7) 'T7|'00E7'LK&, a writing now known to us only througff gagments preserved in Euseb. Praep. Ev viii. 6, 7. The title, as Bernays[9]

as shown, means " Counsels, " " Recommendations, " the reference being to such laws of the Jews as can be recommended also to non-Jewish readers. (8) Ilepl 'I0u5a.£wv a title met with in Euseb. H.E. ii. 18, 6. The writing is no doubt the same as 'H arép' I0u60.lwv dn-0)»0-yla., from which a quotation is iven in Euseb. Praep. Ev. viii. 11. To this Elace also, perhaps, belongs the De 11ab111tate (M. ii. 437-444), whic treats of that true noblesse of wisdom in which the Jewish peo/ple also is not wanting.[10]

V. The doubtful treaties.'$ (1) Ilfpl Biou 0ewp1]1'uc0U H IKETCBV &pe1-dw (De vzta aantemplanva). This contains the sole ori inal account of an ascetic community known as the Therapeutae gg a.) having their home on the shores of Lake Mareotis. These were held by Eusebius and many other Christian writers to be the earliest Christian monks, which of course could not be the case if it was a genuine work of Philo. On this account, amongst others, it was eld to be spurious by Graetz and P. E. Lucius; and this view gradually received the assent of most modern scholars. Latterly, owever, L. Massebieau has shown with great thoroughness that in language and thought alike it is essentially Philonic, and the genuineness of the book has also been affirmed by P. Wendland, and especially by F. C. Conybeare. (2) Hepi 6.¢>0a.pa10.s xéapou (De 1ncarrup11b111tate mund1), declared unauthentic by Z. Frankel and j. Bernays, has been successfully defended by F. Cumont. (3) Ilepl K60'}&0U (De munda). It is generally agreed that, in L. Cohn's words, this is "nothing but a compilation from various portions of the 11-epl &¢»00.p¢r10.s xbaaou and ot er Philonic works."

(4) Two discourses, De Sampsane and De Iona, extant only in Armenian. and certain other writings of the same kind. These appear only to have been imputed to Philo by chance, and certainly cannot claim to be his work. (5) IIep11-017 Fd-VTE 0"7|'0V6llTOV rival. €)e150ep0v (Quad amms grabus liber .v1t) has been questioned by Z. Frankel and R. Ansfel; but their arguments would rather point to its being an early work of Philo, which P. Wendland believes to be the case. (6) Hepl 7|'POV0[U.S (De prav1dent1a), which we possess as a whole only in an Armenian version, consists of two books, the first of which appears to be in a Christian recension, but there is no reason for denying its Philonic origin.

EDITIONS. Till recent days the best edition was that of Mangey (2 vols., London, 1742); the handiest the Holtze duodecimo (Leipzig, 1851) Both are still very useful, but for scholars they will be superseded by the enlarged and critical edition of Leopold Cohn and Paul Wendland (Berlin, 1896-1902). See also papers by Cohn in Hermes, xxxvni. (1903) and xlni. (1908). There is an English translation of the old text by C. D. Yonge (4 vols., London, 1854).

LITERATURE.—The best special studies of Philo will be found in Siegfried, Phito von Atex. (Jena, 1875); Drummond, Philo-Judaeus (London, 1888). For his place in philosophy, see Zeller, Phil. der Griechen (1881). For his relation to Palestinian speculation, B. Ritter, Philo und dze Hatacha (Leipzig, 1879). An excellent general account will be found in Schurer, The Jewish People in the time of Jesus Chrtst (Eng. trans., 1891), or in Dr Edersheim's article on Philo in the Dictionary of Christian Biography. For the question of the genuineness and historical value of the De 'vita contemplative, see L. Massebieau, in Revue de l'histoire des religions, vol. xvi. (Paris, 1887), F. C. Conybeare, Philo: About the Conternplative Life (Oxford, 1895); G. Fayot, Etudes sur les thérapeutes (Geneve, 1880); P. E. Lucius, Die Theropeuten (Strassburg, 1880); P. Wendland, Die Therapeuten (Leipzig, 1896). Also F. Cumont, Phzlo, de aet. mundi (1891); J. Bernays in the Abhand. der k. Akad. der Wiss. (1876). (E. S.*; C. B1.)

  1. Euseb., H. E. ii. 17, 1; Jer. ut supra; Phot Bibl. Cod. 105; Suid, suv. "17wv."
  2. The fathers of the Church have specially noticed his Platonism and Pythagoreanism; an old proverb even says, with some exaggeration, 15 Ilkému ¢0wv£§ fe¢ 6 ~i>i>wu 7'>llTw1Ii§ '€L (Jerome, Photius and Suidas, ut supra). Clement of Alexandria directl calls him a Pythagorean. Eusebius (H. E. ii. 4, 3) observes both tendencies. Recent writers, especially Zeller, lay weight also on his Stoic affinities, and with justice, for the elements which he borrows from Stoicism are as numerous and important as those derived from the other two schools.
  3. See the list of these in Vallarsi's edition of Jerome (iii. 731-734), and compare Siegfried, " Philonische Studien, " in Merx's Archiv. ii 143-163 (1872).
  4. See Siegfried, Ph1lo, pp 142-159.
  5. For details, see Gfrorer, Philo, i 68 seq; Zeller, Phil. der Gr. (grd ed., vol. in, pt. ll., pp 346-352); Siegfried, Philo, pp. 160 seq.
  6. See, especially Mai, Scnpll veit. nov. coll vol. vii. pt. i. pp. 100, 106, 108.
  7. See Opp, ed. Mangey, ii 648-680; Mai, op mt, vol vii pt. i, 96 seq.; Euseb. Praep E11 vu 13. A fragment on the cherubim, Exod xxv 18, has been published by Mai, Class. Auctt. iv. 430 seq., by Grossmann (1856) and by Tischendorf (p. 144 seq.).
  8. See Diels, Doxographi Graeci, 1879, pp. 1-4; Zeller, Phil d Gr. in 2, p. 340 (3rd ed).
  9. Monatsb. d. Berl. Akad (1876), pp. 589-609.
  10. This conjecture is Dahne's, Theol. Stud. u. Krit. (1833), pp. 990. 1037.