Open main menu

CHAPTER XXIV
THE OFFICIAL STORY OF THE PLOT

NOT long after the execution of the conspirators, an official record of the discovery of the plot and its various ramifications was drawn up by order of the King. This account went by the title of The Kings Book, and it was given out to the world that James I. was the actual author. That he was the author, however, is not correct, although he evidently perused the contents before going to press, and interpolated into the text several suggestions and alterations of his own, at Cecil's advice. The Book was eventually included in Bishop Montague's[1] collected edition of the King's works, whence I have transcribed that portion of the version rendered below.

The Book bears ample evidence of having been written under the direct supervision of Lord Salisbury, who saw the necessity of publishing an official account of the plot, which, whilst claiming recognition as the most accurate Kingjamesfirst.jpgKING JAMES THE FIRST. and detailed story of the great conspiracy, would, at the same time, serve to conceal the secret negotiations that had taken place between him and Lord Mounteagle, prior to the arrest of Guy Faukes. Salisbury wished to make the public believe that the delivery of the famous letter at Hoxton was totally unexpected by Lord Mounteagle, and of course by himself.

The Book includes the two chief confessions made by Thomas Winter and Guy Faukes; but as these have already been printed above, I have omitted them from the following transcript, as I have, for the same reason, the text of the anonymous letter delivered to Lord Mounteagle, and the concluding three paragraphs, which contain no historical or otherwise important matter.

The publication of this Book afforded an additional impetus to the national rejoicings over the failure of the Plot. A special thanksgiving service was introduced into the Prayer-book, and was not withdrawn until the year 1859, whilst the anniversary of the famous 'fifth' came to be welcomed with scenes of extraordinary revelry and display in every town and village in England. Indeed, in many towns, until even recently, the 'fifth' was looked upon as one of the chief of the annual festivals, ranking second only to Christmas Day, and considerable sums were spent in the purchase of 'Guys' and ammunition for a bonfire. But, of late, the celebration of the 'fifth' has become a very tame affair, and Lewes and Bridgwater are probably almost the only places where the demonstrations approach anything like their pristine splendour. The last occasion on which the anniversary was welcomed with especial enthusiasm was in the year 1850, when the 'Papal Aggression'—as the restoration of the Roman Catholic hierarchy under Cardinal Wiseman was termed—gave rise to tumultuous proceedings throughout the country.[2]

The following, with the omission already noted, is the official account of the Plot:—

'While this land and whole monarchy flourished in a most happy and plentiful peace, as well at home as abroad; sustained and conducted by these two main good pillars of all good government, piety and justice, no foreign grudge, nor inward whispering of discontentment any way appearing: the King being upon his return from his hunting exercise at Royston,[3] upon occasion of the drawing near of the Parliament-time, which had been twice prorogued already, partly in regard of the season of the year, and partly of the term: as the winds are ever stillest immediately before a storm; and as the sun bleaks often hottest to foretell a following shower; so, at that time of greatest calm, did this secretly hatched thunder begin to cast forth the first flashes and flaming lightnings of the approaching tempest. For, the Saturday week immediately preceeding the King's return, which was upon a Thursday, being but ten days before the Parliament, the Lord Monteagle, son and heir to the Lord Morley, being in his own lodgings,[4] ready to go to supper, at seven of the clock at night, one of his footmen, whom he had sent of an errand over the street, was met by a man of a reasonable tall personage, who delivered him a letter, charging him to put it in my Lord his master's hands; which my Lord no sooner perceived, but that having broken it up, and perceiving the same to be of an unknown and somewhat unlegible hand, and without either date or superscription, did call one of his men unto him, for helping him to read it. But no sooner did he conceive the strange contents thereof, although he was somewhat perplexed what construction to make of it, as whether a matter of consequence, as indeed it was, or whether some foolish devised pasquil by some of his enemies to scare him from his attendance at the Parliament, yet did he, as a most dutiful and loyal subject, conclude not to conceal it, whatever might come of it.

'Whereupon, notwithstanding the lateness and darkness of the night in that season of the year,[5] he presently repaired to his Majesty's palace at Whitehall, and there delivered the same to the Earl of Salisbury, his Majesty's principal Secretary.

'Whereupon, the said Earl of Salisbury having read the letter and having heard the manner of the coming of it to his hands, did greatly encourage and commend my Lord for his discretion, telling him plainly that, whatsoever the purport of the letter might prove hereafter, yet did this accident put him in mind of divers advertisements he had received from beyond the seas, wherewith he had acquainted, as well as the King himself, as divers of his privy-counsellors, concerning some business the Papists were in, both at home and abroad, making preparations for some combination amongst them against this Parliament-time, for enabling them to deliver at that time to the King some petition for toleration of religion, which should be delivered in some such order, and so well backed, as the King should be loth to refuse their requests; like the sturdy beggars, craving alms with one open hand, but carrying a stone in the other, in case of refusal. And, therefore, did the Earl of Salisbury conclude with the Lord Mounteagle, that he would, in regard of the King's absence, impart the same letter to some more of his Majesty's Council, whereof my Lord Monteagle liked well, only adding this request by protestation. That whatsoever the event hereof might prove, it should not be imputed to him as proceeding from too light and too sudden an apprehension, that he delivered this letter; being only moved thereunto for demonstration of his ready devotion, and care for preservation of his Majesty and the State. And thus did the Earl of Salisbury presently acquaint the Lord Chamberlain with the said letter.

'Whereupon they two, in presence of the Lord Monteagle, calling to mind the former intelligence already mentioned, which seemed to have some relation with this letter; the tender care which they ever carried to the preservation of his Majesty's person, made them apprehend that some perilous attempt did thereby appear to be intended against the same, which did the more nearly concern the said Lord Chamberlain to have a care of, in regard that it doth belong to the charge of his office to oversee, as well as all places of assembly where his Majesty is to repair, as his Highness's own private houses. And, therefore, did the said two counsellors conclude that they should join unto themselves three more of the council to wit, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester and Northampton,[6] to be also particularly acquainted with this accident, who having all of them concurred together to the re-examination of the contents of the said letter, they did conclude, that, how slight a matter it might at the first appear to be, yet was it not absolutely to be contemned, in respect of the care which it behoved them to have of the preservation of his Majesty's person; but, yet resolved for two reasons, first, to acquaint the King himself with the same before they proceeded to any further inquisition in the matter, as well for the expectation and experience they had of his Majesty's fortunate judgment, in clearing and solving obscure riddles and doubtful mysteries;[7] as also, because the more time would, in the meantime, be given for the practice to ripen, if any was, whereby the discovery might be more clear and evident, and the ground of proceeding thereupon more safe, just, and easy. And so, according to their determination, did the said Earl of Salisbury repair to the King in his gallery upon Friday, being Allhallow's-day, in the afternoon, which was the day after his Majesty's arrival, and none but himself being present with his Highness at that time, where, without any other speech, or judgment given of the letter, but only relating simply the form of the delivery thereof, he presented it to his Majesty.[8]

'The King no sooner read the letter, but after a little pause, and then reading it once again, he delivered his judgment of it in such sort, as he thought it was not to be contemned, for that the style of it seemed to be more quick and pithy, than is usual to be in any pasquil or libel, the superfluities of idle brains. But the Earl of Salisbury, perceiving the King to apprehend it deeplier than he looked for, knowing his nature, told him, that he thought, by one sentence in it, that it was likely to be written by some fool or madman, reading to him this sentence in it: "For the danger is past, as soon as you have burnt the letter;" which, he said, was likely to be the saying of a fool; for, if the danger was passed, so soon as this letter was burnt, then the warning behoved to be of little avail, when the burning of the letter might make the danger to be eschewed. But the King, on the contrary, considering the former sentence in the letter "That they should receive a terrible blow, this Parliament," and yet should not see who hurt them, joining it to the sentence immediately following, already alleged, did thereupon conjecture, that the danger mentioned should be some sudden danger by blowing up of powder; for no other insurrection, rebellion, or whatsoever other private and desperate attempt could be committed, or attempted in time of Parliament, and the authors thereof unseen, except only if it were by a blowing up of powder, which might be performed by one base knave in a dark corner.

'Whereupon, he was moved to interpret and construe the latter sentence in the letter, alleged by the Earl of Salisbury, against all ordinary sense and construction in grammar, as if by these words, "For the danger is past," etc., should be closely understood the suddenness and quickness of the danger, which should be as quickly performed and at an end, as that paper should be a blazing up in the fire; turning that word of "as soon" to the sense of "as quickly;" and therefore wished, that before his going to the Parliament, the under-rooms of the Parliament-house might be well and narrowly searched.

'But, the Earl of Salisbury wondering at this his Majesty's commentary, which he knew to be so far contrary to his ordinary and natural disposition, who did rather ever sin upon the other side, in not apprehending, nor trusting due advertisements of practices and perils, when he was truly informed of them, whereby he had many times drawn himself into many desperate dangers; and interpreting rightly this extraordinary caution at this time to proceed from the vigilant care he had of the whole State, more than of his own person, which could not but have all perished together, if this designment had succeeded, he thought good to dissemble still unto the King, that there had been any just cause of such apprehension; and ending the purpose with some merry jest upon this subject, as his custom is, took his leave for that time. But, though he seemed so to neglect it to his Majesty, yet his customable and watchful care of the King and the state still boiling within him, and having, with the Blessed Virgin Mary, laid up in his heart[9] the King's so strange judgment and construction of it, he could not be at rest, till he acquainted the foresaid lords what had passed between the King and him in private. Whereupon they were all so earnest to renew again the memory of the same purpose to his Majesty, that it was agreed, that he should the next day, being Saturday, repair to his Highness; which he did in the same privy gallery, and renewed the memory thereof, the Lord Chamberlain then being present with the King.

'At which time it was determined, that the said Lord Chamberlain should, according to his custom and office, view all the Parliament-houses, both above and below, and consider what likelihood or appearance of any such danger might possibly be gathered by the sight of them. But, yet, as well for staying of idle rumours, as for being the more able to discern the mystery, the nearer that things were in readiness, his journey thither was ordained to be deferred till the afternoon before the sitting down of the Parliament, which was upon the Monday following. At which time he (according to this conclusion) went to the Parliament-house, accompanied with my Lord Monteagle, being in zeal to the King's service earnest and curious to see the event of that accident, whereof he had the fortune to be the first discoverer; where, having viewed all the lower rooms, he found in the vault, under the upper-house, great store and provision of billets, faggots, and coals; and, inquiring of Whyneard, keeper of the wardrobe, to what use he had put those lower rooms and cellars? He told him, that Thomas Percy had hired both the house, and part of the cellar, or vault, under the same; and that the wood and coal therein were the said gentleman's own provision. Whereupon, the Lord Chamberlain, casting his eye aside, perceived a fellow standing in a corner there, calling himself the said Percy's man, and keeper of the house for him, but indeed was Guido Faukes, the owner of that hand which should have acted that monstrous tragedy.

'The Lord Chamberlain, looking upon all things with a heedful indeed, yet in outful appearance, with but a careless and rackless eye, as became so wise and diligent a Minister, he presently addressed himself to the King in the said privy gallery; where, in the presence of the Lord Treasurer, the Lord Admiral, the Earls of Worcester, Northampton, and Salisbury, he made his report what he had seen and observed there; noting that Monteagle had told him, that he no sooner heard Thomas Percy named to be the possessor of that house, but considering both his backwardness in religion, and the old dearness of friendship between him and the said Percy,[10] he did greatly suspect the matter, and that the letter should come from him. The said Lord Chamberlain also told, that he did not wonder a little at the extraordinary great provision of wood and coal in that house, where Thomas Percy had so seldom occasion to remain; as likewise it gave him in his mind, that his man[11] looked a very tall and desperate fellow.

'This could not but increase the King's former apprehension and jealousy; whereupon, he insisted as before, that the house was narrowly to be searched, and that those billets and coals should be searched to the bottom, it being most suspicious that they were laid there only for covering of the powder. Of this same mind also were all the counsellors then present; but upon the fashion of making of the search was it long debated: For, upon the one side, they were all so jealous of the King's safety, that they all agreed that there could not be too much caution used for preventing his danger; and yet, upon the other part, they were all extreme loth and dainty, that in case this letter should prove to be nothing but the evaporation of an idle brain, then a curious search being made, and nothing found, should not only turn to the general scandal of the King and the state, as being so suspicious of every light and frivolous toy, but likewise lay an ill-favoured imputation[12] upon the Earl of Northumberland, one of his Majesty's greatest subjects and counsellors, this Thomas Percy being his kinsman and most confident familiar. And the rather were they curious upon this point, knowing how far the King detested to be thought suspicious or jealous of any of his good subjects, though of the meanest degree; and therefore, though they all agreed upon the main ground, which was to provide for the security of the King's person, yet did they much differ in the circumstances, by which this action might be best carried with least din and occasion of slander. But, the King himself still persisting, that there were divers shrewd appearances, and that a narrow search of those places could prejudge no man that was innocent, he at last plainly resolved them, That either must all the parts of those rooms be narrowly searched, and no possibility of danger left unexamined, or else he and they all must resolve not to meddle in it at all, but plainly to go the next day to the Parliament, and leave the success to fortune; which he believed they would be loth to take upon their conscience; for in such a case as this, an half-doing was worse than no doing at all.

'Whereupon it was at last concluded that nothing should be left unsearched in those houses; and yet for the better colour and stay of rumour, in case nothing were found, it was thought meet, that upon a pretence of Whyneard's missing some of the King's stuff, or hangings, which he had in keeping, all those rooms should be narrowly ripped for them. And to this purpose was Sir Thomas Knyvet (a gentleman of his Majesty's privy chamber) employed, being a justice of peace in Westminster, and one, of whose ancient fidelity both the late Queen and our now Sovereign have had large proof; who, according to the trust committed unto him, went about the midnight next after, to the Parliament-house, accompanied with such a small number as was fit for that errand; but, before his entry in the house, finding Thomas Percy's alleged man[13] standing within the doors, his clothes and boots on, at so dead a time of the night, he resolved to apprehend him; as he did, and thereafter went forward to the searching of the house, where, after he had caused to be overturned some of the billets and coals, he first found one of the small barrels of powder, and afterwards all the rest, to the number of thirty-six barrels, great and small; and, thereafter, searching the fellow, whom he had taken, found three matches, and all other instruments fit for blowing up the powder, ready upon him; which made him instantly confess his own guiltiness; declaring also unto him, That, if he had happened to be within the house,[14] when he took him, as he was immediately before (at the ending of his work), he would not have failed to have blown him up, house and all.

'Thus, after Sir Thomas had caused the wretch to be surely bound, and well guarded by the company he had brought with him, he himself returned back to the King's palace, and gave warning of his success to the Lord Chamberlain, and Earl of Salisbury, who immediately warning the rest of the council that lay in the house ; as soon as they could get themselves ready, came with their fellow counsellors to the King's bed-chamber, being at that time near four of the clock in the morning. And at the first entry of the King's Chamberlain, the Lord Chamberlain, being not any longer able to conceal his joy for the preventing of so great a danger, told the King in a confused haste that all was found and discovered, and the traitor in hands and fast bound.

'Then, order being first taken for sending for the rest of the Council that lay in the town, the prisoner himself was brought into the house, where in respect of the strangeness of the accident, no man was stayed from the sight, or speaking with him. And, within a while after, the Council did examine him; who seeming to put on a Roman resolution, did, both to the Council, and to every other person that spoke with him that day, appear so constant and settled upon his grounds, as we all thought we had found some new Mutius Scaevola[15] born in England. For, notwithstanding the horror of the fact, the guilt of his conscience, his sudden surprizing, the terror which should have been struck in him, by coming into the presence of so grave a Council, and the restless and confused questions, that every man all that day did vex him with; yet was his countenance so far from being dejected, as he often smiled in scornful manner, not only avowing the fact, but repenting only with the said Scaevola, his failing in the execution thereof, whereof he said the devil, and not God, was the discoverer; answering quickly to every man's objection, scoffing at any idle questions which were propounded unto him, and jesting with such as he thought had no authority to examine him. All that day could the Council get nothing out of him, touching his accomplices, refusing to answer to any such questions which he thought might discover the plot, and laying all the blame upon himself; whereunto, he said, he was moved, only for religion and conscience' sake, denying the King to be his lawful sovereign, or the Annointed of God, in respect he was an heretic, and giving himself no other name than John Johnson, servant to Thomas Percy. But the next morning being carried to the Tower, he did not there remain above two or three days, being twice or thrice, in that space, reexamined, and the rack only offered and shewed unto him,[16] when the mark of his Roman fortitude did visibly begin to wear and slide off his face; and then did he begin to confess part of the truth, and, thereafter, to open the whole matter. . . .'

[Here follow the confessions of Faukes and Winter.]

'But here let us leave Faukes in a lodging fit for such a guest, and taking time to advise upon his conscience, and turn ourselves to that part of the history which concerns the fortune of the rest of their partakers in that abominable treason. The news was no sooner spread abroad that morning, which was upon a Tuesday, the fifth of November, and the first day designed for that session of Parliament; the news, I say, of this so strange and unlooked-for accident was no sooner divulged, but some of those conspirators, namely Winter, and the two brothers of Wright's, thought it high time for them to hasten out of the town (for Catesby was gone the night before, and Percy at four of the clock in the morning the same day of the discovery) and all of them held their course, with more haste than good speed, to Warwickshire, toward Coventry, where the next day morning, being Wednesday, and about the same hour that Faukes was taken in Westminster, one Grant, a gentleman having associated unto him some others of his opinion, all violent Papists, and strong Recusants, came to a stable of one Benocke, a rider of great horses, and having violently broken up the same, carried along with them all the great horses that were therein, to the number of seven or eight, belonging to divers noblemen and gentlemen of that county, who had put them into the rider's hands to be made for their service. And so both that company of them which fled out of London, as also Grant and his accomplices, met all together at Dunchurch, at Sir Everard Digby's lodging, the Tuesday at night, after the discovery of his treacherous attempt; the which Digby had likewise, for his part, appointed a match of hunting, to have been hunted the next day, which was Wednesday, though his mind was, Nimrod-like, upon a far other manner of hunting, more bent upon the blood of reasonable men than brute beasts.

'This company, and hellish society, thus convened, finding their purpose discovered, and their treachery prevented, did resolve to run a desperate course; and since they could not prevail by so private a blow, to practice by a public rebellion, either to attain to their intents, or at least to save themselves in the throng of others. And, therefore, gathering all the company they could unto them, and pretending the quarrel of religion, having intercepted such provision of armour, horses, and powder, as the time could permit, thought, by running up and down the country, both to augment piece and piece their numbers (dreaming to themselves, that they had the virtue of a snowball, which being little at the first, and tumbling down from a great hill, groweth to a great quantity, by increasing itself with the snow that it meeteth by the way), and also, that they beginning first this brave shew, in one part of the country, should by their sympathy and example, stir up and encourage the rest of their religion, in other parts of England to rise, as they had done there. But, when they had gathered their force to the greatest, they came not to the number of four score, and yet were they troubled, all the hours of the day, to keep and contain their own servants from stealing from them; who, notwithstanding all their care, daily left them, being far inferior to Gideon's host in numbers, but far more, in faith or justice of quarrel.

'And so, after that this Catholic troop had wandered a while through Warwickshire to Worcestershire, and from thence to the edge and boarders of Staffordshire, this gallantly armed band had not the honour, at the last, to be beaten with a King's lieutenant, or extraordinary commissioner, sent down for that purpose, but only by the ordinary Sheriff of Worcestershire were they all beaten, killed, taken, or dispersed. 'Wherein, ye have to note this following circumstance so admirable, and so lively displaying the greatness of God's justice, as it could not be concealed, without betraying in a manner the glory due to the Almighty for the same.

'Although divers of the King's proclamations were posted down after these traitors with all the speed possible, declaring the odiousness of that bloody attempt, the necessity to have had Percy preserved alive, if it had been possible,[17] and the assembly together of that rightly damned crew, now no more darkened conspirators, but open and avowed rebels; yet the far distance of the way, which was above 100 miles, together with the extreme deepness thereof, joined also with the shortness of the day, was the cause that the hearty and the loving affections of the King's good subjects in those parts prevented the speed of his proclamations. For, upon the third day after the flying down of these rebels, which was upon the Friday next after the discovery of their plot, they were most of them all surprised by the Sheriff of Worcestershire, at Holbeach, about the noon of the day, and that in the manner following.

'Grant, of whom I have made mention before, for taking the great horses, who had not all the preceding time stirred from his own house till the next morning after the attempt should have been put in execution; he then laying his accounts without his host, as the proverb is, that their plot had, without failing, received the day before their hoped-for success; took, or rather stole, out those horses, as I said before, for enabling him, and so many of that foulest society, that had still remained in the country near about him, to make a sudden surprise upon the King's elder daughter, the Lady Elizabeth, having her residence near by that place, whom they thought to have used for the colour of their treacherous design, his Majesty, her father, her mother, and male children being all destroyed above, and to this purpose also had that Nimrod, Digby, provided his hunting-match against that same time, that numbers of people being flocked together, upon the pretence thereof, they might the easier have brought to pass the sudden surprise of the person.

'Now the violent taking away of those horses, long before day, did seem to be so great a riot in the eyes of the common people that knew of no greater mystery. And the bold attempting thereof did engender such a suspicion of some following rebellion in the hearts of the wiser sort, as both great and small began to stir and arm themselves upon this unlocked for accident. But, before twelve or sixteen hours passed, Catesby, Percy, the Winters, Wrights, Rookewood, and the rest, bringing then the assurance that their main plot was failed and bewrayed, whereupon they had built the golden mountain of their glorious hopes; they then took their last desperate resolution, to flopk together in a troop, and wander, as they did, for the reasons aforetold. But, as upon the one part, the zealous duty to their God, and their Sovereign, was so deeply imprinted in the hearts of all the meanest and poorest sort of the people, although then knowing of no further mystery than such public misbehaviours, as their own eyes taught them, as notwithstanding of their fair shews and pretences of their Catholic cause, no creature, man, or woman, through all the country would once so much as give them, willingly, a cup of drink, or any sort of comfort or support, but with execrations detested them, so, on the other part, the sheriffs of the shires, through which they wandered, conveying their people with all speed possible, hunted as hotly after them, as the evilness of the way, and the unprovidedness of their people upon that sudden could permit them. And so, at last, after Sir Richard Verney, Sheriff of Warwickshire, had carefully and straightly been in chase of them to the confines of his county, part of the meaner sort being also apprehended by him; Sir Richard Walsh, Sheriff of Worcestershire, did likewise dutifully and hotly pursue them through his shire: and, having gotten sure trial of their taking harbour at the house above-named, he did send trumpeters and messengers unto them, commanding them in the King's name, to render unto him his Majesty's Minister; and knowing no more at that time, of their guilt, than was publicly visible, [18] did promise, upon their dutiful and obedient rendering unto him, to intercede at the King's hands, for the sparing of their lives; who received only from them this scornful answer, they being better witnesses to themselves of their inward evil consciences, "That he had need of better assistance, than of those few numbers that were with him before he could be able to command or control them."

'But here fell the wondrous work of God's justice, that while this message passed between the Sheriff and them, the Sheriffs and his people's hearts being justly kindled and augmented by their arrogant answer; and so, they preparing themselves to give a furious assault, and the other party making themselves ready within the house to perform their promise by a defence as resolute; it pleased God that in the mending of the fire, in their chamber, one small spark should fly out, and light among less than two-pound weight of powder, which, was drying a little from the chimney; which, being thereby blown up, so maimed the faces of some of the principal rebels and the hands and sides of others of them, blowing up with it also a great bag of powder, which, notwithstanding, never took fire, as they were not only disabled and discouraged thereby from any further resistance, in respect Catesby himself, Rookewood, Grant, and divers others of greatest account among them were, thereby, made unable for defence, but also wonderfully struck with amazement in their guilty consciences, calling to memory how God had justly punished them with the same instrument, which they should have used for the effectuating of so great a sin, according to the old Latin saying, In quo peccemus, in eodem plectimur; as they presently (see the wonderful power of God's justice upon guilty consciences) did all fall down upon their knees, praying God to pardon them for their bloody enterprise; and, thereafter, giving over any further debate, opened[19] the gate, suffered the Sheriff's people to rush in furiously among them, and desperately sought their own present destruction: the three specials of them joining backs together, Catesby, Percy, and Winter, whereof two, with one shot, Catesby and Percy, were slain,[20] and the third, Winter,[21] taken and saved alive.'


  1. Richard Montague (1577-1641), Bishop of Chichester and Norwich. In Cobbett's State Trials he is erroneously called Bishop of Winchester.
  2. The fifth of November, however, it must not be forgotten, is famous for other events besides the Powder-Plot in our annals, for it was on this day in the year 1688, that William of Orange landed in Torbay; and on this day in the year 1800, it was officially decided to abandon the style of 'King of France' as one of the titles of our Sovereigns.
  3. In Hertfordshire.
  4. At Hoxton. Nothing is said of the curious circumstance that Lord Mounteagle had not visited these 'lodgings' for a long time, and that his sudden determination to go to Hoxton had only been arrived at the day before.
  5. October (late).
  6. No mention is thus made of the fact that all these noblemen, including the Lord Chamberlain, had been on the premises when the letter arrived.
  7. Referring, perhaps, to the strange conspiracy of the Cowries.
  8. The contents of the letter have been given already.
  9. Luke ii. 51: 'But his mother kept all these sayings in her heart.'
  10. Monteagle, therefore, seems to have been on as intimate terms with Percy as he was with Catesby and Winter; on more intimate terms, indeed, than I have conjectured above.
  11. Guy Faukes.
  12. This is absurd. So far from shielding Northumberland, it was Lord Salisbury's desire to incriminate him at all costs.
  13. Guy Faukes.
  14. This clearly proves that Faukes was not taken within the cellar, as generally stated.
  15. Caius Mutius Scaevola, who attempted to assassinate King Porsenna.
  16. This cannot be accepted as correct. By it, we are asked to believe that Faukes began to confess before being actually tortured, whereas we know that he refused to utter a word until constrained by the pain of the punishments of the torture-chamber.
  17. Here, again, we have absolute evidence of the absurdity of the Jesuit story that Percy was killed by order of Lord Salisbury.
  18. The accuracy of this statement is, certainly, open to very grave doubt. Walsh must have known of what the conspirators were guilty.
  19. This is most unlikely to have been the case.
  20. Percy was not killed at Holbeach. He died of his wounds later.
  21. Thomas Winter.