History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 18

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XVIII.

DOUBLY REFINED DEALINGS.

1519-1520.

Hollow Homage to the Captive King — Montezuma has his Wives and Nobles — He Rules his Kingdom through the Spaniards — The Playful Page — Liberality of the Monarch — The Sacred Treasures — Cortés Resents the Insults of the Guard — Diversions — Quauhpopoca, his Son and Officers, Burned Alive — Plantations Formed — Villa Rica Affairs — Vessels Built — Pleasure Excursions.

A pompous reception was accorded the imperial prisoner. With no small ceremony was he conducted to apartments adjoining those of Cortés, as selected by himself, and there surrounded by all accustomed comforts and every show of greatness. At hand were his favorite wives, his most devoted servants; he held court daily, received ambassadors, issued orders, and with the aid of his learned jurists administered justice. To outward appearance the monarch was as absolute as ever; yet Montezuma knew that his glory had departed, that the continued forms of greatness were hollow, and that his power was but the power of a puppet. He was wise enough to know that a strong man is not to be trusted who is officiously kind to a weak one.

Henceforth the power of the nation, in the hands of these insidious strangers, was to be directed against himself. It was a cunning policy, craftily conceived and deftly executed.

Cortés took care that everything round the prisoner should move smoothly, and that his presence in the Spanish quarters should appear to the natives a voluntary rather than an enforced visit. To his more intimate lords and subjects, however, who knew better his condition, and who sometimes urged him to return to his palace, the poor captive would say, "Ah, no! it is the will of the gods that I remain with these men and be guided by their counsel." But on no account must the imperial influence be allowed for the present to decline before the people. The deception must be continued, and the dignity of the sovereign upheld by a deferential attention as profound as that which was shown before his imprisonment. Daily, after prayers, the Spanish general came to pay his respects, attended by several of his captains, more frequently Alvarado, Velazquez, and Ordaz, and to receive the imperial commands with respect to his comforts, pleasures, and duties. On these occasions, and indeed whenever he appeared before the emperor, says Bernal Diaz, Cortés set the example to his followers by doffing his hat and bowing low, and never did he presume to sit in the royal presence until requested to do so.

Yet a most unpleasant reminder to the monarch of his circumscribed authority was the ever present guard in and around his apartments.^[1] This was under the command of Juan Velazquez de Leon, who enforced the strictest watch, particularly when it became known that Montezuma's courtiers lost no opportunity to urge escape, and that he lent them a not unwilling ear, despite the professed desire to remain with the Spaniards. Among the several schemes with this object are mentioned bored walls, tunnels beneath the palace, and an attempt by the emperor himself to leap from the summit of the building into a safe receptacle prepared for him.^[2]

Espionage was also established on the emperor in his intercourse with courtiers, by placing in the apartment the page Orteguilla, who had acquired a fair knowledge of Aztec. Of prepossessing appearance, agreeable and sprightly in manner, the youth became a favorite with the captive king. Among other things, the little spy gave the monarch an insight into Spanish customs and proceedings at home and abroad, into the power and grandeur of the Castilian king, and into the mysteries of the faith. Being constantly together they grew familiar, Montezuma delighting to play pranks on the boy, throwing aloft his hat, and laughing at his efforts to regain it. These tricks were always followed by a liberal reward.^[3]

Montezuma was indeed most liberal with all who came in contact with him, as became the character of a great and rich prince. Not only jewels, robes, and curiosities, but male and female slaves, were freely dispensed, partly no doubt with a view to secure good treatment from the guard. A considerate thoughtfulness and gentle manner added to his popularity, and "whenever he ordered," says the old soldier, "we flew to obey." The inconsiderate pride and selfishness of the independent monarch seems to have disappeared in the prisoner, yet like the captive hawk he was submissive only to his masters. Orteguilla kept him informed of the rank and character of the men, and became the recognized medium for his favors. He represented, for instance, that Bernal Diaz longed to be the master of a pretty maiden, and Montezuma, having noticed the exceeding deference of the soldier, called him, saying that he would bestow on him a fine young woman, whom he must treat well, for she was the daughter of a chief. He also gave him three quoits of gold and two loads of robes.^[4] The gift came from the emperor's harem, from which he frequently drew to please those whom he delighted to honor. The vacancies thus created were filled from noble families, who like those of more advanced countries regarded it an honor for a daughter to occupy the position of royal concubine. After his imprisonment Montezuma seems to have disposed of his wives quite rapidly, a number of them falling to leading Spaniards.^[5] To Cortés he offered for the second time a daughter, prettier than the one given him on the day of his capture, but in this instance the gift was declined in favor of Olid, who accepted her, together with any number of presents, and was henceforth treated as a relative by her imperial father. Both she and the sister with Cortés were baptized.^[6]

The soldiers generally were by no means forgotten in the distribution of women and other gifts, and in course of time the quarter became so crowded with male and female attendants that Cortés found it necessary to issue an order reducing the number to one female servant for each man. Informed of this, Montezuma instructed his mayordomo to provide good accommodation and sustenance for them elsewhere.^[7]

Encouraged by this generosity, Cortés approached him one day regarding the secreted treasures, which had been so long respected, but which he desired to have in his possession. He regretted to say that his graceless soldiers had come upon the treasurechamber, and regardless of his instructions had abstracted a number of jewels. The emperor hastened to reassure him; perhaps he understood the hint. The contents of the chamber belonged to the gods, he said; but the gold and silver might freely be taken so long as the rest was left.^[8] He would give more, if required. Cortés did not scruple to avail himself of the permission, by appropriating for himself and his intimate friends a large share. So charged the discontented soldiers, but the main portion appears to have been reserved for the general distribution not long after. Although the most valuable part of this collection had been freely surrendered, the soldiers hesitated not to seize also upon other effects, such as liquid amber and several hundred loads of cotton fabrics. Cortés wished to restore them, but Montezuma declined, saying that he never received anything back.^[9] On another occasion the Spaniards discovered the imperial warehouse for cacao beans, the most common currency of the country, and for some time made nightly raids on it with their Indian carriers. Cortés proposed to mete out punishment for this, but finding that Alvarado was a leading culprit, he dropped the matter with a private reprimand.^[10]

Montezuma's good nature was imposed upon in more ways than one, and with all his kindness he could not command consideration from the rougher soldiers and sailors. One of the guard, after being requested, with a gift, to discontinue certain unseemly acts, repeated the offence in the hope of receiving another bribe; but Montezuma now reported him to his captain, and he was removed. Cortés, who was determined to enforce respect for the captive, inflicted severe punishment on offenders in this respect. Tired of patrol duty, Pedro Lopez said one day in the hearing of Montezuma, "Confusion on this dog! By guarding him constantly, I am sick at stomach unto death!" Told of this, the general had the man lashed in the soldiers' hall, and this regardless of his standing as a good soldier and an archer of great skill. Another who showed insolence to the emperor was ordered hanged, but escaped with a lashing at the intercession of the captains and of Montezuma.^[11] This strictness insured respect not only for the emperor, but for Cortés, so that the quarter became most exemplary for its good order.^[12]

The Spaniards united heartily with the native courtiers to entertain the captive and to remove so far as possible whatever might remind him of his lost liberty. He found great delight in their military exercises, which recalled the faded prowess of his youth and exhibited the tactics which contributed so powerfully to Spanish supremacy over native arms. He also enjoyed sports, and among games the totoloque was his favorite. This consisted in throwing small golden balls at pieces of the same metal set up as targets at a certain distance. Five points won the stakes. Cortés often played it with him, and Alvarado, who kept count for the general, usually marked more points than he was entitled to. Montezuma playfully protested against such marking, although what Cortes won he gave to the Mexican attendants, while Montezuma presented his gains to the Spanish guard.^[13]

Montezuma was at times allowed to visit his palaces, and to enjoy the hunting-field, but these trips were of rare occurrence, owing to the danger of popular demonstrations.^[14] On such occasions, says Cortes, the escort of prominent Mexicans numbered at least three thousand. The first time Montezuma requested this privilege it was for the purpose of offering prayer and sacrifice at the great temple, as required by his gods, he said; and although Cortes did not like the arrangement, his prisoner convinced him that this public demonstration was necessary, in order to show the people that he was not kept in compulsory confinement, but remained with the strangers at the order of the deity he was about to consult. Four captains were appointed to escort him with a guard of one hundred and fifty soldiers, and he was warned that any attack upon them, or any attempt at rescue, would result in his own death. He was carried in a rich litter, attended by a brilliant procession of nobles, and preceded, according to custom, by a dignitary bearing the triple wand which indicated that the emperor was approaching and demanded loyal veneration.

On reaching the temple the imperial worshipper stepped forth, leaning on the arms of his relatives, and was assisted to the summit. Human sacrifices had been forbidden, and Father Olmedo came to watch over the observance of the order; but it appears that four captives had been offered during the night, and despite the remonstrances of the friar the attendant rites went on.^[15] The captains thought it prudent not to exceed a protest, and congratulated themselves when the ceremony was ended and the emperor safely back in their quarters.

 

A fortnight after the seizure of Montezuma,Quauhpopoca arrived in the capital, accompanied by his son and fifteen of his staff. He made his entry with the pomp befitting a powerful governor and a relative of the sovereign, and hastened to the palace. As was customary with subjects who were about to appear in the imperial presence, the rich robes were covered with a coarse cloak, in token of humiliation. His master received him with a stern countenance, and signified his displeasure at the proceedings which under pretext of his authority had caused loss of Spanish life. No attention was paid to explanations, and he was surrendered with his followers to the Spaniards, to be dealt with as they thought fit.^[16] Cortes held a trial: he was a shrewd inquisitor, and his sentence was sure to accord with his own interests. "Are you a vassal of Montezuma?" he asked of Quauhpopoca. "What else could I be?" was the reply. "Did you attack Spaniards by his order?" The prisoner was in a most serious dilemma. At first he refused to implicate the emperor, but finding that his fate was sealed he confessed having acted under his orders.^[17] This could not avail him, however, for in obeying his master he had injured the subjects and outraged the laws and majesty of the Spanish king, who was sovereign of all, and this demanded punishment.

The fact was that Spanish prestige, on which so much depended, had suffered through the machinations of the governor, and it was considered necessary to restore it. Therefore it was decreed that Quauhpopoca, with his son and officers, should be burned alive in the plaza, before the palace. Cortés availed himself of the opportunity to seize all the arms in the arsenals,^[18] and therewith build a pyre worthy such noted offenders.

When all was ready Cortés presented himself before the emperor, and announced with a severe tone that the evidence of the condemned showed their acts to have been authorized by him, and as a life called for a life, according to Spanish laws, he deserved death. Cortés, however, loved him — for himself, his generosity, and services he loved him too dearly to let justice have its course, and would take on himself to appease its demands by a nominal punishment.^[19] He then turned on his heel, while one of the soldiers clasped a pair of shackles round the prisoner's ankles, and the mighty emperor of the Aztecs was ironed. For a moment Montezuma stood rooted to the floor. Then he groaned with anguish at this the greatest indignity ever offered his sacred person. He trembled with apprehension at what might yet follow. His courtiers were no less afflicted, and with tears in their eyes they knelt to lessen the weight at least of the shameful bonds, and with bandages to relieve the imperial limbs.^[20]

Meanwhile the troops formed an imposing cordon in front of the palace to prevent a rescue of the condemned as they were led out and tied to the stake. Writhing with pain, yet mute as became brave warriors, with the ascending smoke from Aztec shields and darts they rendered up their anguished souls. It was rare strategy thus with the offenders to destroy the means of offence. Supposing that the execution was by imperial sanction, the populace tacitly assented, gazing on the horrid spectacle with pallid faces and bated breath. Though accustomed to scenes like this in connection with their religious festivals, it appeared terrible when perpetrated by foreigners, to the dreary sound of muffled drums.^[21]

All being over, Cortés reëntered the apartments of Montezuma with his captains, and kneeling down he himself took off the fetters, declaring that he felt deeply grieved at the infliction, for he loved him as a brother. The monarch became almost hysteric with joy at this deliverance, and with falling tears he expressed himself in abject terms of gratitude, like the dog licking the hand which has chastised it. Every fresh incident reveals some new trait in the character of this unhappy man which calls for pity or contempt. "Yet further," continued Cortés, "to show my deep regard and confidence, you are now at full liberty to return to your own house." But Montezuma understood well enough that these were but words, an empty offer; indeed he had been informed by the well prompted page that, although the general might wish to release him, the Spanish captains would never permit it.^[22] He accordingly expressed his thanks, and said that he preferred to remain with him, giving as a reason that, were he free, the importunities of his relatives and nobles to attack the Spaniards might prevail over his friendship for them and their king, and this would entail not only loss of life on both sides, but the ruin of the city. Thereupon Cortés embraced him with every appearance of deep devotion, and said, "Next to my king you shall be king; vast as are your possessions, I will make you ruler of more and greater provinces.^[23]

We can imagine the words by which the Spaniards might justify to themselves the death of Quauhpopoca, but we cannot understand the object in degrading the emperor in the eyes of his subjects- — an act which they had hitherto been so careful to avoid — unless it was to lift themselves in their own esteem and that of the natives, far above the highest American princes and powers, and to impress the sacredness of their persons on the minds of the Indians. Further tlhan this, they seemed to think some punishment of the emperor necessary, either because he had authorized the Nautla outrage, or because he had countenanced it by neglecting to reprimand the perpetrators. At all events, the effect was salutary, so much so that Spaniards were to be seen wandering singly about the country without fear of molestation.^[24]

This effect, which extended also to adjoining independent provinces, enabled Cortés to carry out the long-cherished project of gathering information on the condition of the country, particularly its political feeling and its mineral resources. Montezuma readily gave the aid requested by providing maps and officials to guide the exploring parties. The first investigations were directed to the upper parts of Rio Zacatula and to Miztecapan, some eighty leagues south of the capital, and to the northern branches of the Papaloapan, whence most of the gold was said to come.^[25] The Zacatula party was headed by Pilot Gonzalo de Umbría, in compensation perhaps for the loss of his feet at Villa Rica. He returned before the other parties, within the forty days allowed for the trip, and brought about three hundred pesos' worth of gold dust, washed out in dishes from three rivers, by order of the cacique. Two chiefs accompanied him, bearing gold presents of nearly the same value as the dust, and offering allegiance to the Spaniards in the name of their caciques.^[26] Small as was the treasure, it afforded a substantial proof of the glowing report of Umbría. He had passed through three beautiful and fertile provinces, filled with towns containing buildings equal to any in Spain. He described a fortress finer in appearance and stronger than the castle of Búrgos, and the people of Tamazulapan as most superior in dress and intelligence.^[27] Another party,under one Pizarro,^[28] proceeded southeastward, through Tochtepec and Malinaltepec, both of which yielded them gold dust to the value of about three hundred pesos. Descending along the northern fork of Papaloapan, they reached the country of the Chinantecs, hostile to the Aztecs who had taken some of the border towns. Their independence had not otherwise been affected, owing to their mountain fastnesses, their warlike spirit, and their formidable weapons, which were pikes about twenty feet in length.

They invited the Spaniards to enter, but would not allow the Mexican escort to cross the boundary. The guides warned Pizarro not to trust himself to what they termed a treacherous people, but after a brief hesitation he advanced and received a hearty reception. Aid was given to search for gold, of which seven hundred pesos' worth was obtained from several

rivers, most of it in rough grains.^[29] On his return he brought two chiefs, who bore presents of gold from their chief cacique Cohuatlicamac, and tendered his allegiance on condition that the Aztecs should not be allowed to enter the country. Finding the inhabitants so friendly and the province rich in resources, Pizarro left four of his small party behind to establish cacao and maize plantations and to search for more gold.^[30]

The project appears to have found favor with Cortés, who besought Montezuma to form plantations for the king also in his adjoining province of Malinaltepec. This was at once attended to, and within two months four substantial houses and a vast reservoir had been constructed, and a large tract of land brought under cultivation, the improvements being valued at twenty thousand pesos de oro.^[31]

Another important object was to find a better harbor than Villa Rica, and the emperor being consulted, he at once ordered a map to be made, which showed very accurately not only the rivers and inlets already known to the Spaniards, between Pánuco and Tabasco, but the yet unknown Rio Goazacoalco, beyond the Mexican border. This being said to have a large and deep entrance, Cortés availed himself of Ordaz' offer to examine it. Ten men, chiefly sailors and pilots, and some guides, accompanied him, and authority was given to take escorts from the frontier garrisons. He proceeded to Chalchiuhcuecan or San Juan de Ulua, and thence followed the coast examining the inlets.

On reaching the frontier complaints became numerous against the native garrisons by reason of raids and outrages, and supported by the chiefs who attended him he reprimanded the commanders, threatening them with the fate of Quauhpopoca unless they restrained the troops. They used to extend their raids into the Goazacoalco province, but were at present somewhat guarded, owing to a repulse wherein a number of comrades had perished.^[32]

Ordaz' proceedings served him well, for Tuchintlec, the cacique of this province, sent a deputation of leading men to extend a welcome, and furnished canoes and men to aid in sounding the river. The bar was found to be at least two fathoms and a half deep at low water, and above this, for twelve leagues, the soundings showed fully five fathoms, with a prospect of an equal depth for some distance, whereupon the pilots expressed the opinion that the channel might be a strait leading to the southern sea.^[33] Ordaz received not only presents of gold and pretty women for himself, but brought with him messengers bearing jewels, tiger-skins, feathers, and precious stones for Cortés, together with an offer of allegiance and tribute similar to those already tendered by the neighbors of Tabasco. His report, which extolled the agricultural resources as well as the port, induced the general to send with the returning messengers another party to examine these features more thoroughly and to test the disposition of the inhabitants. They again sounded the river, selected a town site, and reported in favor of a settlement. The cacique also expressed himself eager to receive settlers, and offered to begin at once the construction of houses. This decided Cortés to establish a colony on the river, and in April Juan Velazquez and Rodrigo Rangel set out with one hundred and fifty men to carry out the project. This, however, was not destined to be so speedily accomplished.^[34]

Meanwhile Villa Rica had been a source of no small anxiety to Cortés. He had appointed Alonso de Grado to fill the vacant place of Escalante, as commander of the fortress, and as his lieutenant in the district. Grado was a man of agreeable presence and conversation, and with some fame among his comrades as a writer and musician, but more of a braggart than a soldier, with decided sympathies in favor of Velazquez. Indeed, Bernal Diaz charges him with having been the ringleader of the mutinous demonstration at Tlascala. Cortés was well acquainted with the character of the man; but his glib tongue had evidently overcome the prudence of the general, or else he preferred a less bold spirit than Escalante's at this post. "Now, Señor Grado," said he in handing him his commission, "here is the fulfilment of your long felt desire of going to Villa Rica. Take care of the fort, treat the Indians well, and do not undertake any expeditions like that of Escalante, or you may meet his fate." "In saying this," adds Bernal Diaz, "he gave us soldiers a wink, which we readily enjoyed, knowing well enough that Grado would not venture to do so, even under penalty of disgrace." The office of alguacil mayor, held by the former commander, was not included in the present commission, but was given to Sandoval, and when Grado remonstrated he was promised compensation in due time.

On reaching Villa Rica the evil nature of the man came to the front. He assumed pompous demeanor, and expected the settlers to serve him as a great lord, while the Totonacs were pressed for gold and female slaves. The fort and the duties connected with it were neglected, and the commander spent his time in gormandizing and gambling, not to mention the secret efforts to undermine his general's influence and to gain adherents for Velazquez. This soon reached the ears of Cortés, who felt not a little annoyed at having trusted such a fellow. He recognized the necessity of intrusting this district to one thoroughly devoted to himself, since a fleet from Cuba might at any moment arrive and create mischief. Therefore he sent Sandoval, who was brave and prudent, as well as loyal, and with him Pedro de Ircio, a former equerry, of insinuating manners and gossiping tongue, whom Sandoval elevated to a commanding position.^[35]

Grado was immediately sent up to Mexico under a native guard, and when he arrived, with hands tied and a noose round his neok, the soldiers derided him, while Cortés felt half inclined to hang the fellow. After a few days' exposure in the stocks he was released, and soon his smooth persuasion paved once more a way to the favor of his general, with whom he became so reconciled as to obtain the office of contador not long afterward.

 

Among the instructions to Sandoval was one to send to Mexico two shipwrights with ship-building implements, also chains, iron, sails, rope, compass, and everything needful to fit out four vessels which had been placed on the stocks shortly after the seizure of the emperor.^[36] The object was to afford a means for the ready movement of troops and for escape in case of an uprising, when the bridges would doubtless be raised. In asking Montezuma for aid to fell and prepare timber, it was pretended that it was for pleasureboats wherewith to entertain him. Under the able direction of Martin Lopez aided by Alonso Nuñez, the master carpenters, they were completed within a few weeks, and provided with four guns and tiers of oars, affording transport for three hundred men.

A hunting-trip to one of the imperial reserves across the lake was at once arranged.^[37] The largest vessel had been provided with awnings and other comforts for the reception of Montezuma, his suite, and a strong guard, while other notables were accommodated in the other craft. A volley from the guns announced their arrival, and did more probably to inspire respect than even the presence of majesty. The vessels were accompanied by a fleet of canoes, some holding forty or more courtiers, hunters, or attendants. All were curious to see how the winged water-houses would behave, for their immense size was supposed to render them slow and clumsy. A fair breeze was blowing, however, and as the large sails unfurled, the vessels bounded forward with a speed that in a few moments left the occupants of the canoes far behind. Montezuma was delighted, and the trip was repeated. Hunting parties were likewise formed; for the royal captive enjoyed the chase and used the blow-pipe with great skill.^[38]

 

 

1. 'Se quiso echar de vna açutea de diez estados en alto, para que los suyos le recibiessen, sino le detuuiera vn Castellano. . . .Denoche y de dia procurauan de sacarle, oradando a cada passo las paredes, y eclhando fuego por las azutcas.'
2. 'Le dió en guarda á un capitan, é de noche é de dia siempre estaban españoles en su presencia.' Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. This captain appears to have been Juan Velazquez, whose place was taken by Olid, when required. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77, 86. The result was an increase of the guard, Álvarez Chico being placed with 60 men to watch the rear of the quarters, and Andrés de Monjarraz the front, with the same number, each watch consisting of twenty men. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iii. Bernal Diaz intimates that the guarding of Montezuma proved a severe strain on the soldiers; but, situated as they were, vigilance was ever required, and still greater must have been the danger had he not been in their power.
3. Herrera calls him Peña, which may have been one of his names. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v. Bernal Diaz assumes that Montezuma asked Cortés to give him the page, after the execution of Quauhpopoca. Hist. Verdad., 75.
4. The bride was named Francisca. Hist. Verdad., 77. As an instance of Montezuma's eagerness to gratify the Spaniards, and at the same time to exhibit his own power, it is related that one day a hawk pursued a pigeon to the very cot in the palace, amid the plaudits of the soldiers. Among them was Francisco the dandy, former maestresala to the admiral of Castile, who loudly expressed the wish to obtain possession of the hawk and to tame him for falconry. Montezuma heard him, and gave his hunters orders to catch it, which they did. Id.; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.
5. Duran states that the soldiers discovered a house filled with women, supposed to be wives of Montezuma, and hidden to be out of the reach of the white men. He assumes that gratitude would have made the Spaniards respect them; or, if the women were nuns, that respect for virtue must have obtained.
6. Cortés' protégée being named Ana. Quite a number of the general's followers declare in their testimony against him, in 1528, that he assumed the intimate protectorship of two or even three of Montezuma's daughters, the second being called Inés, or by others Isabel, the wife of Grado, and afterward of Gallego. 'Tres fijas de Montezuma e que las dos dellas an parido del e la otra murio preñada del quando se perdio esta cibdad.' Tirado, in Cortés, Residencia, ii. 39, 241, 244; i. 63, 99, 221, 263. Intrigues are mentioned with other Indian princesses. Vetancurt assumes that two noble maidens were given, one of whom Olid received. Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 133; Torquemada, i. 462. Bernal Diaz supposes that this is the first daughter offered by Montezuma, and he believes evidently that Cortés accepts her, to judge by a later reference. Hist. Verdad., 85, 102.
7. Herrera states that Cortés' order was prompted by a consideration for the heavy expense to Montezuma. The latter remonstrated at this economical fit, and commanded that double rations should be provided for the exiled. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.
8. Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 580. 'Purchè non tocchino disse il Re, le immagini degli Dei, nè ciò che è destinato al loro culto, prendano quanto vogliono,' is Clavigero's free interpretation of Ojeda's version. Storia Mess., iii. 97; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 125.
9. 'Lo q͏̄ vna vez daua no lo auia de tornar a recibir.' 'Las caxas donde la ropa estaua, eran tan grandes que llegauan a las vigas de los aposentos, y tan anchas, q͏̄ despues de vacias, se alojauã en cada vna dos Castellanos. Sacaron al patio mas de mil cargas de ropa.' Herrera, ii. viii. iv.
10. 'Casa de Cacao, de Motecuhçuma, adonde avia mas de quarenta mil Cargas, que era Gran Riqueça, porque solia valer cada Carga quarenta Castellanos.' Alvarado alone enmptied six jars of 600 loads. Torquemada, i. 472.
11. The man had insisted that Montezuma should have a search made for two of his missing female attendants. The emperor did not wish Spaniards punished for pilfering, as he told Cortés, only for offering insult and violence. In such cases he would have his own courtiers lashed. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
12. 'Tinie el marques tan recogida su gente, que ninguno salie un tiro de arcabuz del aposento sin licencia, é asimismo la gente tan en paz, que se averiguó nunca reñir uno con otro.' Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 586.
13. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 77. 'Un giuoco, che gli Spagnuoli chiamavano il bodoque.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 97. Bodoque signifies balls in this connection. When Alvarado lost, he with great show of liberality paid in chalchiuites, stones which were highly treasured by the natives, but worth nothing to the Spaniards. Montezuma paid in quoits, worth at least 50 ducats. One day he lost 40 or 50 quoits, and with pleasure, since it gave him the opportunity to be generous. B. V. de Tapia testifies that Alvarado used to cheat in playing cards with him and others. Cortés, Residencia, i. 51-2. Another way of gratifying this bent was to accept trifles from the Spaniards and liberally compensate them. Alonso de Ojeda, for instance, had a silk-embroidered satchel with many pockets, for which Montezuma gave him two pretty slaves, beside a number of robes and jewels. Ojeda wrote a memoir on the conquest, of which Herrera makes good use. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. v.
14. 'Fué muchas veces á holgar con cinco ó seis españoles á una y dos leguas fuera de la ciudad.' Cortés, Cartas, 92. Both the times and the number of the Spaniards are doubtful, however. 'Quando salia a caçar. . . . Lleuaua ocho o diez Españoles en guarda de la persona, y tres mil Mexicanos entre señores, caualleros, criados, y caçadores.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 124; Ixtlilxochill, Hist. Chich., 297.
15. Bernal Diaz intimates that more sacrifices were made in their presence. 'Y no podiamos en aquella sazon hazer otra cosa sino dissimular con èl.' Hist. Verdad., 78.
16. Bernal Diaz admits that he knows not what occurred between governor and monarch, but Herrera claims to be better informed. Barefooted, and with eyes upon the floor, Quauhpopoca approached the throne and said: 'Most great and most powerful lord, thy slave Quauhpopoca has come at thy bidding, and awaits thy orders.' He had done wrong, was the reply, to kill the Spaniards, and then declare that he had orders so to do. For this he should suffer as a traitor to his sovereign and to the strangers. He was not allowed to make any explanations. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. It is not unlikely that Montezuma commanded him not to reveal anything that might implicate his master, hoping that Cortés would out of regard for his generous host inflict a comparatively light punishment.
17. 'Examinaron los segunda vez, con mas rigor, y amenazas de tormento, y sin discrepar todos confessaron,' says Herrera, loc. cit.
18. En vna de las casas reales dicha Tlacochalco.' Herrera, loc. cit. 'É serien mas que quinientas carretadas.' Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 584.
19. 'Me has negado no auer mãdado a Couatlpopocà q͏̄ matasse a mis compañeros, no lo has hecho como tan gran señor que eres,. . . .porque no quedes sin algun castigo, y tu y los tuyos sepays quanto vale el tratar verdad, te mãdare echar prisiones.' Herrera implies with this that Cortés laid more weight on the disregard for truth than on the authorization of the outrage. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. 'Que ya que aquella culpa tuuiesse, que antes la pagaria el Cortès por su persona, que verscla passaral Monteçuma.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.
20. Esto hizo por ocupar le el pensamiento en sus duelos, y dexasse los ajenos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 129. 'Todo à fin de espantarle mas.' Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 298.
21. Solis seems to say that the bodies were burned after execution, Hist. Mex., i. 461-2, but Cortés and others are frank enough about the actual burning, which was not regarded in that cruel age with the same aversion as by us. Instances are to be found in the Native Races, ii.-iii., where this ordeal was undergone by criminals as well as temple victims among the Aztecs. Bernal Diaz gives the names of two of Quauhpopoca's companions in misfortune, Quiabuitle and Coatl. Hist. Verdad., 75. Prescott, Mex., ii. 173, states that the execution took place in the court-yard; but this is probably a misprint, to judge by his own text.
22. 'Á lo que entendimos, ê lo mas cierto, Cortés auia dicho á Aguilar la lengua, que le dixesse de secreto, que aunque Malinche le mandasse salir de la prision, que los Capitanes nuestros, è soldados no querriamos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75.
23. 'Fué tanto el buen tratamiento que yo le hice, y el contentamiento que de mí tenia, que algunas veces y muchas le acometi con su libertad, rogándole que fuese á su casa, y me dijo todas las veces que se lo decia, que él estaba bien allí,' etc. Cortés, Cartas, 91. No osaua, de miedo que los suyos no le matassen. . . . por auer se dexado prender,' is one of the suppositions of Gomara, who calls him a man of little heart. Hist. Mex., 129-30. Peter Martyr appears to be moved rather by pity for him. dec. v. cap. iii. Non gli conveniva ritornare al suo palagio, mentre fossero nella Corte gli Spagnuoli.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 102.
24. Como este castigo se supo en todas las Prouincias de la Nueua-España, temieron, y los pueblos de la costa, adonde mataron nuestros soldados, bolvieron á servir.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 75-6, comments upon the daring of the Spaniards in carrying out these and similar high-handed acts. For a short time after this, says Herrera, the soldiers were ordered to sleep on their arms, in case of any demonstration. dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. ix. Clavigero regards the burning as unjustifiable, since the emperor was regarded as having authorized it. If he was not guilty, the Spaniards were ungrateful to treat him as they did. Storia Mess., iii. 101. Robertson finds some excuse for Quauhpopoca's punishment, but calls the humiliation of Montezuma a wanton display of power. Hist. Am., ii. 63, 453-4. Prescott, on the other hand, regards the humiliation as politic, on the ground that by rendering the monarch contemptible in the eyes of his subjects, he was obliged to rely more on the Spaniards. Mex., ii. 177. But this would hardly have been necessary since he was in their power, and considering that the object of keeping him so was to control the country, it would have been better not to degrade him.
25. 25 'Donde mas oro se solia traer, que era de vna Provincia que se dize, Zacatula. . . .de otra Provincia, que se dize Gustepeque, cerca de donde desembarcamos. . . .è que cerca de aquella Provincia ay otras buenas minas, en parte que no son sujetos, que se dizen, los Chinatecas, y Capotecas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 81. Montezuma detailed two persons for each of four provinces where gold was to be had, and Cortés gave two Spaniards for each couple. The provinces named were Cuzula, Tamazulapa, Malinaltepeque, Tenis. Cortés, Cartas, 92-3. Of the eight Indians, four were miners or goldsmiths, and the others guides. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 130. Chimalpain names the provinces: Tamazólan, in upper Miztecapan, Malinaltepec and Tenich, both on the same river, and Tututepec, twelve leagues farther, in the Xicayan country. Hist. Cong., i. 254-5.
26. 'Con tal, que los de Culùa no entrassen en su tierra.' They were reassured and dismissed with presents. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i.
27. Cortés se holgô tanto con el oro como si fueran treinta mil pesos, en saber cierto que avia buenas minas.' Bernal Diaz intimates beside that Umbría and his two companions had provided themselves with plenty of gold. Hist. Verdad., 81-2.
28. A young man of 25 years, whom Cortés treated as a relative. With him went four Spaniards who understood mining, and four chiefs. Id.
29. 'En granos crespillos, porque dixeron los mineroa, que aquello era de mas duraderas minas como de nacimiento.' Id., 82.
30. Bernal Diaz names them, 'Barriētos, y Heredia el viejo, y Escalona el moça, y Cervantes el chocarrero,' and says that Cortés, displeased at soldiers being left to raise fowl and cacao, sent Alonso Luis to recall them. Hist. Verdad., 82; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. ix. cap. i. He is evidently mistaken, as shown by his own later text, for Cortés himself states that he sought to form plantations in that direction. The recall was made later and for a different reason.
31. 'Estaban sembradas sesenta hanegas de maíz y diez de frijoles, y dos mil piés de cacap [cacao]. . . .hicieron un estanque de agua, y en él pusieron quinientos patos. . .y pusieron hasta mil y quinientas gallinas.' Cortés, Cartos, 94; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iii. Oviedo writes that farms were established for the king in two or three provinces, one in Chimanta [Chimantla]. The two Spaniards left in the latter were saved, but elsewhere, subject to the Aztecs, they were killed during the uprising originated by Alvarado. iii. 376. Tapia refers to an expedition at this time against a revolted province, 80 leagues off. Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 584.
32. Por aquella causa llaman oy en dia, donde aquella guerra passò, Cuilonemiqui.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 82.
33. Herrera, loc. cit. Creyan lo que desseauan,' remarks Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131.
34. Cortés, Cartas, 95, 116; Gomara, Hist. Mex., 131-2. Bernal Diaz throws boubt on the expedition of Velazquez, but is evidently forgetful. Hist. Verdad., 81-2. 'El señor de la provinçia. . . .luego hiço seys [casas] en el assiento é parte que para el pueblo se señaló.' Oviedo, iii. 293. Peter Martyr calls these buildings 'Tributaries' houses.' dec. v. cap. iii.; Cortés, Residencia, ii. 6, 49.
35. He had served as equerry in the noble houses of the Conde de Ureña and Pedro Giron, of whose affairs he was always prating. His propensity for taletelling lost him many friends, but he managed to keep intimate with Sandoval, whose favors he afterward repaid with ingratitude. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76, 246. Gomara insists on naming him as the comandante, but this dignity he attained only after Sandoval and Rangel had held it. Cortés, Residencia, i. 256; Тorquemada, i. 456.
36. 'Luego que entré en la dicha ciudad di mucha priesa á facer cuatro bergantines. . . .tales que podian echar trecientos hombres en la tierra y llevar los caballos.' Cortés, Cartas, 103; Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. iv. "Quatro fustas.' (Gomara, Hist. Mex., 146. 'Dos vergantines.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 76. The cedars of Tacuba, numerous enough at this period, yielded much of the timber, and the slopes of Iztaccihuatl and Telapon the harder portion for masts, keels, etc. Mora, in Soc. Mex. Geog., Boletin, ix. 301.
37. 'En la laguna á vn peñol, que estaua acotado, q͏̄ no ossauan entrar en èl á montear, por muy principales que fuessen, so pena de muerte.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 78.
38. Native Races, ii. 411. 'Quádo yua a caça de monteria, le lleuauan en ombros, con las guardas de Castellanos, y tres mil Indios Tlascaltecas. . . .Acompañauanle los señores sus vassallos.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. viii. cap. iv.