History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 34

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXXIV.

THE CONQUEST ACHIEVED.

July-August, 1521.

The Destroyers Advance — Fierce Fighting in the Plaza — Dismal Situation of the Mexicans — The Work of Demolition — Movements of Alvarado — The Emperor Refuses to Parley — Misery OF the Aztecs Unbearable — Horrible Massacre of Women and Children — The Tender-hearted Cortés Mourns over his own Work — Capture of the Emperor — The Conquest Completed — Banquets and Thanksgivings — Dispersion of the Allies to their Homes — Reflections.

With a force of over one hundred and fifty thousand men the Spaniards now advanced on the city, a large proportion destined wholly to raze buildings, fill channels, and remove obstacles, while the rest were to drive back the enemy and keep them at bay. At the channel near the plaza the Mexicans detained the forces for an hour with a peace proposal, in order to gain time for some operation, and then suddenly they began to ply their missiles. Cortés was not slow to accept the challenge, and led the attack with a recklessness that caused his followers to remonstrate with him for exposing so valuable a life. It had the effect, however, of so encouraging the charging party that the channel with its intrenchments was quickly captured. On reaching the plaza they found it covered with loose stones, which prevented the horses from running. Several streets leading to it were blocked with stone barricades. The main effort for this day was directed toward opening the approach to the plaza, which was to serve as the starting-point for subsequent movements. The work was slow, owing to the massive character of the buildings along the leading avenue, and in this imperial centre of the city; but myriads swarmed thereat, and structure after structure was levelled, opening wide access to the southern causeway.

The Mexicans made repeated efforts to stay such ruthless destruction. But their onslaught was futile, for thundering cannon and fiery chargers protected every point. "Burn and raze, you slaves," they shouted to the auxiliaries in their impotent fury; "you will have to rebuild it all, either for us if we win, or for your present masters if they conquer!" And so it happened. With dreary tasks did they pay for the momentary triumph over their enemy. During the withdrawal of the troops to camp in the evening the Mexicans were able to make a forcible demonstration, more so than usual on these occasions, if we may credit the native records. They pushed in front of their lines a fine-looking Spanish cross-bowman, reserved from the late captives, and sought to make him direct his arrows against his countrymen. This he refused to do, always shooting too high, and finally the enraged Aztecs cut him down. His presence naturally interfered with the free operations of the soldiers, as the enemy had expected.

On the following days Cortés ascended the commanding temple pyramid in the plaza, and thence directed more effectively the operations for razing buildings and driving back the Mexicans, who fought with desperation for every foot of ground, so much so that on one day alone fell twenty thousand it is said. On one occasion a corps of Tlascaltecs crossed a canal and were thrown into disorder by the enemy. The Aztecs began to exult, and one of their number, a muscular warrior with enormous bejewelled plumage, armed with a Spanish sword and shield, shouted a challenge to any Spaniard. Several were ready, among them Hernando de Osma, who had just swum across the canal to sustain the wavering allies. Dripping wet he rushed upon the warrior, but received a blow which cleft his shield. Recovering himself, he dealt the Mexican a thrust from below and stretched him dead, whereupon he snatched the sword and plumage and sprang back in time to escape the pursuing friends of the fallen man. He afterward offered the trophy to Cortés, who accepted, but returned it at once with the remark that none was so worthy thereof as he who had won it. The deed served also to reanimate the Tlascaltecs, and they sustained their position.

Not long after, another powerful warrior, similarly plumed, came forth brandishing a Spanish sword and announcing that he sought the glory of either dying by the hand of a brave Spaniard or defeating him. Cortés, who was present, told him that ten more men like himself were needed to match one soldier. The warrior insisted. "Very well," said the general, "this beardless page of mine shall despatch you, and demonstrate the mettle of our Castilian boys." Juan Nuñez de Mercado, as the youth was called, thereupon stepped forward, and bravely as this Goliah fought, a few passes from the skilled arm of the youngster soon sufficed to lay him low. This feat served not alone to discourage duels with Spaniards, but was regarded by many Mexicans as a bad omen.^[1]

Whatever may have been the reverses of the enemy, they usually rallied in the evening to pursue the troops as they returned to camp, the allies being always sent back first so as to leave the road clear for the soldiers, covered by the cavalry. One day the pursuit was not made for some reason, and a few horsemen ventured to look into it, but only to be driven back with two animals badly wounded. Cortés resolved to be avenged. He ordered Sandoval to reënforce him so as to increase the number of horse to forty. Thirty of these were posted early in the day in a hiding-place near the plaza, and close by a hundred select soldiers and a corps of Tlascaltecs. When the hour came to return to camp, the Mexicans, as expected, fell upon the retreating lines in stronger force than ever, encouraged by the achievement of the previous evening and by the pretended timidity of the ten horsemen who covered the rear. When the first columns of pursuers had well passed the hiding-place, the signal was given, and with ringing Santiagos the parties in ambush rushed upon the startled warriors. Finding their retreat cut off, the severed section lost presence of mind, and permitted themselves to be butchered like cattle. When the massacre was over, fully five hundred of the flower of the Aztec armies covered the ground.^[2] Never again were the Spaniards exposed to pursuit near or beyond the plaza, or indeed to any such fierce charges, and the horses became again an object of awe.^[3]

The captives were questioned regarding the condition of the city, and from them a revelation was obtained showing that the majority of the occupants were in favor of capitulation, but afraid to express their views in face of the firmness of Quauhtemotzin and his party, who were resolved to defend their city to the end. And there was still enthusiasm among the Mexican people. Women and cripples could be seen preparing and bringing war material for stronger arms to use; they swept dust from the roofs into the faces of assailants, while children threw tiny stones and lisped an echo of the curse that fell from the lips of their parents. But all this manifest spirit was slowly but surely subsiding, and deep and dismal woe was settling down upon them.^[4] Alas for Mexico, pride of the grand plateau! Alas for thine ancient grandeur! Blotted out forever must be thy culture, crushed thy budding progress! The days of thy glory are ended; and so are thy bloody ceremonies and sacrificial stones!

 

Long sieges had never suited the native ideas of warfare, and experience could therefore teach little in the preparation for the event. Vast supplies had been accumulated by the Mexicans, but a large influx of fugitives from the lake towns had swelled the number of non-combatants and had helped to diminish the food supply, which had received but scanty additions, owing to the close watch of the cruisers. Nor had any restrictions been placed on consumption, since the provisions were chiefly in private hands. Now famine was raging with rapidly increasing horrors, and jewels were offered by the handful for an equal quantity of food.^[5] Excluded from such competition, the poorer classes sought in holes and canals for snails, lizards, and rats, skimmed the surface of the water for its mucilaginous scum, or tore up the earth for roots and weeds, glad even to chew the bark of trees, and anxiously waiting for the scanty allowance of brackish water. Disease was marching hand-in-hand with hunger, and weakened by their sufferings hundreds were left to linger in torment till welcome death relieved them. The frequency of these incidents made the people callous, and the sufferings even of near friends were looked on with indifference by the gaunt and hollow-eyed, who were themselves marked for death.

Regardless of the consequences, many crept at night close to the Spanish camps in search of roots and refuse which could no longer be found within their precincts. Advised of such movements, a body of soldiers and allies was sent out before sunrise one day and fell on a large number, slaughtering many of them before discovering them to be starving women and children.^[6] It was necessary to take increased measures even against these surreptitious attempts to sustain the defence, and to keep in the useless population, though there was little prospect of any important exodus, since the fear of the savage and cannibal auxiliaries who surrounded the city made its very pest-holes appear attractive places of refuge. The vessels were particularly efficient for this purpose, the more so since the crews had found a ready means to render the submerged stakes and palisades of little hindrance.^[7] They were thus enabled to ravage the suburbs, and to coöperate with the other forces by landing and driving the inhabitants toward the narrow quarter in which they were now confined. They had not always an easy task, however, for the Mexicans were growing more reckless, and would sometimes venture to meet even the 'winged houses.'

On one occasion a portion of the fleet was closely beset in a confined place, and the flag-ship happening to strand on some timbers the crew became panicstricken and sought to abandon her. Martin Lopez, the builder, who was the chief pilot, at once turned against the deserters, and being a large and powerful man he pitched two into the water, beat and bruised half a dozen others, and soon compelled their return to duty. He thereupon led them against the enemy and drove them off, killing the leader, who was a prominent officer. For this important service the brave Lopez was rewarded with a captaincy.^[8]

Cortés made quite rapid advance in the work of demolition, considering the immensity of it. The Tlacopan road had been levelled, rendering communication easy with the camp of Alvarado, and on the eve of Santiago's day^[9] the greater part of the main street to the market was gained. This thoroughfare bore afterward the name of Guatemotzin,^[10] because this emperor's palace was here situated. Strongly fortified, its capture was not effected without a severe struggle, wherein many a brave fellow met his fate. During the fight Alderete's horse became unmanageable from a thrust, and rushed amid the enemy in mad fury, creating more disorder by his pawing and biting than a squad of soldiers could have done.^[11]

Equally severe was the struggle on the following days in entering and filling a street with a wide canal, adjoining the main road. At the same time was taken a temple,^[12] wherein a number of impaled bearded heads stared the horrified Spaniards in the face. Tears filled the eyes of the beholders, and reverently the ghastly remains were taken down to receive Christian rites.^[13]

The progress of Cortés' party in the direction of Tlatelulco market, the objective point of all the movements, had impelled Alvarado to almost superhuman efforts to gain before them a spot lying much nearer to his camp. Once within, he hoped to keep his ground, for it was large and level, twice the size of the market-place in Salamanca, says Cortes, and capable of accommodating sixty thousand persons. It was lined with porticos, wherein more substantial traders had their shops, while the open square was covered with booths, between which the Spaniards had so often wandered to gaze on products of every variety, from field and forest, from river and mountain, as well as from the workshop of artisan and artist.^[14] Thus it was formerly; but now were to be displayed only the worst phases of human selfishness, cunning, and brutality; blood and corpses in lieu of fabrics and provisions; fierce war-cries and the clash of arms in place of merry traffickings and the clink of coin. By the day following Santiago's day Alvarado had levelled a wide approach, and now he resolved to direct his whole strength against this plaza, leaving merely a portion of his auxiliaries to attend to further razing operations. Before dawn the next morning he advanced with all his force and took the Aztecs by surprise. He effected an entrance with little trouble, and was able to meet in good order the bands which came to retrieve their neglect by fierce charges. They were led by the renowned orders of Tigers and Eagles, conspicuous in their corresponding gear, and eager to maintain the reputation which had gained for them their insignia. Mayehuatzin, lord of Cuitlahuac, was also among the prominent leaders, but the cavalry soon obliged him to turn in flight, and enabled the infantry to capture a number of the shops which lined the market, and begin to pillage. Much more determined proved the division under the Tiger captain, Coyohuehuetzin, who fell back and maintained himself on the Momuztli edifice.

While the main portion of the Spanish forces thus fought at different points in the plaza with varying advantage, Captain Gutierre de Badajoz was ordered to capture the great temple which overlooked the market. It was held by Temilotzin and Tlacatecatl, who fiercely disputed his advance. Time and again were his men driven back, or sent tumbling down the steps, bruised and bleeding, many a one never to rise. But Badajoz persevered, and step by step he climbed upward, sustained by reënforcements, till after two hours of hard contest the summit was gained, first by Alférez Montaño. Woe now to the defenders remaining! Not a Spaniard there but had wounds to show, and not one who did not strive to exact blood for blood. It was a repetition of the aerial combat of the year before on the summit of the central temple. The Mexicans neither expected mercy nor asked it; rather longed they to dedicate their last breath to the gods, and gain by glorious death admission into the abode of the blessed. By nine o'clock in the forenoon the two wooden towers holding the altars and idols were gained, and the next moment dense smoke columns rose to announce the victory of the Spaniards.^[15] Loud rose the wail of the natives as they witnessed the portentous result, and with the recklessness of despair they renewed their onslaught, led by Axoquentzin and the Eagle captain, Quachic. So severely pressed was Alvarado that he was obliged to call down Badajoz and to concentrate his forces, abandoning the several temples which surrounded the large pyramid. Encouraged by this success the Mexicans pushed their advantage from all sides, and unable to hold their position the Spaniards retired with considerable loss, including three horses.^[16]

Nothing daunted, Alvarado repeated his entry on the following day, and met with comparatively little opposition, the enemy being evidently discouraged by the fall of the temple and the resolute bearing of the Spaniards. He now passed through and came up to Cortés' party, by whom he was received with ringing and repeated cheers. The latter had just captured the last canal and intrenchments near the marketplace, after a sharp struggle, and now the general and his doughty lieutenant entered the market and ascended the lofty pyramid, on which the royal banner waved a proud welcome, while beside it the still impaled heads of white and dusky victims recalled the bitter vengeance yet to be exacted. Surveying the city beneath him on all sides, Cortés says: "It seemed undoubted that of eight parts we had gained seven." The late magnificent metropolis, the finest and largest on all the northern continent, displayed now a mass of ruins, through which the broad paths levelled by the invaders led to the one corner which alone remained to the besieged,^[17] wherein, amid famine, pest, and putrefying bodies, they huddled in packed masses, sending forth from their midst the groans of dying and loud lamentations, in an atmosphere so pestiferous that the soldiers who entered the lately abandoned lanes were almost stifled. People were found in different stages of hunger and disease, meeting the soldiers with passive indifference in the recklessness of despair. Beyond on the roofs stalked the warriors, gaunt and yellow, like caged and starving beasts.

Cortés felt painfully oppressed on beholding so much misery, and at once ordering a stay of hostilities he sent some captive chiefs to Quauhtemotzin with peace proposals, showing the utter futility of further resistance, which could involve only a needless infliction of suffering and slaughter, and embitter against him and his the besieging forces. He was prepared to forget all past animosity, and respect the persons and property of the besieged, and his rights as sovercign, and demanded in return only the renewal of allegiance already offered in Montezuma's time. Quauhtemotzin scarcely gave the messengers time to speak, before he answered solemnly: "Tell Malinche that I and mine elect to die. We will intrust ourselves neither to the men who commit, nor to the God who permits, such atrocities!"

Struck by the lofty bearing of the doomed, and desirous of securing the treasure which the besieged assured him would all be cast into the water before his fingers should touch it, Cortés again sent a proposal, formally attested by notary and witnesses, declaring that the responsibility for the terrible consequences which must follow the rejection of his offer would fall wholly on the besieged. But all without avail. And when the priests came and declared the cle, "Appeased by sacrifice the gods have promised victory after three days," Quauhtemotzin made answer, his council being present: "It is well. And since it is so, let us have a care of the provisions, and if need be die fighting like men. Let no one henceforth speak of peace under pain of death!"

Preparations were accordingly made to renew hostilities at the designated time, on which occasion sacred relics were to be brought into service from the paraphernalia of Huitzilopochtli, one a twisted snake sceptre set with mosaic, called the Xiuhcoatl, which was said to become alive when launched against the foe and terrify them to flight; the other a war-dress of feathers tipped with an owl's head of fearful aspect, an ægis to scatter the enemy.^[18]

Cortés on his side was not impatient to break the truce, for he knew that hunger and disease were efficiently fighting his battle, and he was besides busy constructing in the market-place a catapult which was to soon end his labors there whatever might be the further decision of the Mexicans. The idea had been suggested by a soldier named Sotelo, who boasted of military science acquired during the Italian wars; and since powder was becoming scarce the necessary carpenters were readily furnished to construct the machine. "Behold!" cried the Tlascaltecs, pointing it out to the Mexicans, "behold a monster mechanism which will quickly annihilate you!" But on trial it proved a failure.

Then messengers were again despatched to Quauhtemotzin to talk of peace, and were told that they should have an answer soon. Next day the Spanish sentinels observed a great commotion among the Mexicans and a gathering of armed masses. They gave due notice of this, but before the troops were fully prepared the enemy came rushing from their retreats with a suddenness that threw the first opposing lines in disorder, a number being wounded and several killed, at least among the auxiliaries.^[19] The troops quickly rallied, however, under cover of the artillery, and Cortés resolved to inflict chastisement. Alvarado was ordered to attack a large ward containing over a thousand buildings, while the remaining forces should turn against the main quarter. Incited by the presence of the mystic owl and the sacred snake-bearer, the Mexicans fought with an indifference to fate that turned the war into a butchery. When the survivors were driven back it was ascertained that over twelve thousand Mexicans had been killed or captured.

The promised victory had proved a disastrous defeat, and even the most hopeful Mexican sank into the depths of despair. This feeling was greatly fostered by a strange occurrence about this time, which the native records describe as a fiery whirlwind, resolving into flames and sparks. It rose with great noise in the north, after sunset, revolved over the doomed quarter and disappeared in the lake, leaving the natives overwhelmed with apprehensions.^[20]

Their eyes were fully opened to the situation. And in pondering on the dreadful past and present, the dreadful future became dim, even its terrors growing every day fainter. They had been passive under the pain of wounds and under hardships indescribable; but when at last frenzied mothers and fathers seized upon their own offspring to still the pangs of hunger over which sane minds no longer had control; when others began furtively to look about for less closely allied beings whereon to feed, then indeed a stranger and more terrible fear came over them.^[21]

 

When Cortés returned with full force on the following day to renew the fight, crowds of miserable beings came forth, repulsive in their emaciated and haggard appearance, careless of their lives yet clamoring for mercy and for bread. Moved by the appeal, he ordered them not to be injured, and proceeded to answer certain chiefs who had summoned him to a parley. "Son of heaven!" they cried, "within one brief day and night the tireless orb returns. Why dost not thou also finish thy task as quickly? Kill us, so that we may no longer suffer, but enter paradise and join the happy throng already sent thither!"^[22] He told them that in their hands was the remedy. They had but to cease their insane opposition, and their suffering would cease, for he would give them food and respect their persons and property. No satisfactory answer was returned. They were evidently afraid to speak of peace, though eager for it. Cortés felt convinced that the emperor and a few leading nobles were the only persons holding back, and willing to spare the people he again resolved on an appeal.

A distinguished captive was prevailed on to carry this message in order to give it more weight,^[23] and to use his influence with the emperor. On appearing before Quauhtemotzin the noble began to speak of the kind treatment he had received from the Spaniards. Praise of this nature hardly accorded with the mood of the ruler or with the views he wished to impart, and no sooner did the envoy allude to peace than he was ordered away with an imperious sign to the stone of sacrifice.^[24] Any fate for ruler and people was better than to fall into the hands of Christian civilization. At the same time the warriors faintly threw themselves against the Spaniards with shouts of "Death or liberty!" The attack cost the besiegers a horse, and several men were wounded, but the charge was easily repelled, and was followed up by further slaughter. That night the allies encamped within the city. The following day Cortés again approached some nobles at an intrenchment and asked, "Why remains the emperor so stubborn? Why will he not come and speak with me, and stay the useless slaughter of his subjects?" Bound by superstitious loyalty to their ruler, weepingly they replied, "We know not; we will speak with him; we can but die!" Presently they returned to say that Quauhtemotzin would present himself in the market-place on the following noon. Delighted, Cortés ordered a dais to be prepared on the raised masonry platform recently used for the catapult, together with choice viands. At the appointed hour the Spanish general appeared in state, with the soldiers drawn up in line, ready to do honor to the distinguished guest. After waiting impatiently for some time, they saw five personages approach, who proved to be the bearers of excuses. Quauhtemotzin could not come, but desired to learn the wishes of Malinche.^[25]

Concealing his chagrin, Cortés caused the nobles to be entertained, and then he sent them to their master with assurance of good treatment; they soon returned with presents, and said the emperor would not come. Again they were sent, and again their efforts were unavailing. The truth is, Cortés desired with the monarch to secure his treasure; else he would not long have stayed his bloody hand. On the other hand, though Quauhtemotzin's conduct might be attributed to selfish obstinacy, he well knew that even for his people death was to be scarcely more feared than capture; now they might at once enter paradise, but the foreigners sought them but to enslave.

The following day the five nobles again kept Cortés waiting with a promise that the emperor would meet him. The hour having passed without his appearance, the allies, who had been kept in the background during the negotiations, were called forward and the order was given for assault, Sandoval directing the fleet along the shore and up the canals to the rear. Since they will not have peace, they shall have war!" cried Cortés. Then the carnage became fearful. Spaniards and auxiliaries alike, two hundred thousand strong and more, so it was said, abandoned themselves to the butchery, while Satan smiled approval. In helpless despair, like cooped beasts in the shambles, they received the death-blow as a deliverance.^[26] I will not paint the sickening details so often told of chasms filled, and narrow streets blockaded high with the dead bodies of the unoffending, while down upon the living settled desolation. It must indeed have been appalling when he who had brought to pass such horrors writes: "Such was the cry and weeping of children and women that not one amongst us but was moved to the heart." Then he attempts to throw upon the allies the blame of it. "Never," he says, "was such cruelty seen, beyond all bounds of nature, as among these natives." Already, before this massacre of forty thousand^[27] the streets and houses were filled with human putridity, so that now the Spaniards were forced to burn that quarter of the city to save themselves from infection.

Another morrow engenders fresh horrors. The three heavy guns are brought forward to assist in dislodging the besieged. Fearful lest the emperor escape him in canoes, Cortés directs Sandoval to place vessels on the watch for fugitives, particularly at the basin of Tlatelulco,^[28] into which it is proposed to drive the besieged, there to catch the king and nobles with their gold and jewels. Of a truth Cortés does not wish to kill the miserable remnant of this so lately proud race — particularly if thereby he loses the encaged treasure. So he again appeals to them, and the Cihuacoatl,^[29] chief adviser of the emperor, appears and is treated with great courtesy. After a time he takes his departure, then for the first time declaring that Quauhtemotzin will on no account present himself. "Return then," exclaims Cortés in ill-suppressed anger, "and prepare for death, invoked, not by high and holy purpose, but by obstinate timidity!"^[30]

Five hours are thus gained by the wily monarch for the escape of the women and children, who pour out in swarms, the fainting supported by the feeble, all emaciated and haggard, and many marked by wounds or disease. Seeing which the allies pounce upon them, all stricken and defenceless as they are, and murder them, to the number of fifteen thousand. And the same number perish in the fall of broken bridges, in the choked canals, and from the tread of their fellow fugitives. How glorious is war! How noble the vocation! How truly great the hero of such hellish deeds! Blush, oh sun! for making such tomorrows; for lending thy light to human intelligence by which to do such diabolical wickedness!

 

Observing no signs of surrender, Cortés opened fire with his cannon and gave the signal of attack. Another massacre followed, the Mexicans displaying the same apathy and sullen indifference to death as on other late occasions. At some points, however, large bodies surrendered, and the remaining Mexican quarters were fast falling into the conqueror's hands. Sandoval on his side was closely guarding the water front and preparing to coöperate. Entering the harbor basin with a portion of the fleet, he bore down on the canoes with a crash, upsetting the greater number, filled chiefly with nobles and their families, of whom a large portion perished. The canoes which escaped scattered in different directions, into canals and corners, most of them however turning toward a nook of the basin with the brigantines in hot pursuit. At this moment a few boats of larger build emerged from a retreat at the other end and paddled rapidly toward the open lake.

Warned by his commander to watch closely for the emperor, Sandoval had not failed to observe the movement, and he immediately directed García de Holguin, captain of the fastest vessel, to overhaul the fugitives, who might be persons of note. Aided both by sails and oars, Holguin speedily gained on them, and they began to scatter in different directions, evidently with a view to confuse him; but a captive on board indicated one as most likely to contain the emperor.^[31] On approaching it the archers levelled their cross-bows, whereupon a sign of surrender was made, with the pleading cry that Quauhtemotzin was there. As the overjoyed Holguin stepped down to secure his captives, among whom were the young empress, the king of Tlacopan, and other prominent personages,^[32] the monarch bade him respect his consort and his retinue. As for himself, he was at his disposal.

Conducted by his captor, he passed along the streets to the presence of the conqueror, the object of ten thousand eyes, for rumor had preceded him. Men rested from the slaughter to gaze at him. In the distance was heard the din of battle, but along the captive's path there fell a hush. His was a striking figure. The grave, careworn face betokened suffering. He wore a dingy blood-stained robe, and the pallor which overspread a naturally fair face was yet more heightened by the feverish brilliancy of the eyes, now bent dejectedly on the ground, now looking straight before him. He walked with a firm step, and young as he was, the majestic dignity of the prince and leader impressed every beholder. "He was quite a gentleman," graciously affirms Bernal Diaz. Cortés had stationed himself on the roof of a high building in the Amaxac ward,^[33] thence to direct operations, and now he caused a dais to be prepared, and a table with refreshments. When the emperor approached the guard drew up in line, and the general advanced with benign dignity and led him to a seat by his side. "Malinche," said the captive, "I have done all within my power for the defence of my people, but the gods have not favored me. My empire is gone, my city is destroyed, and my vassals are dead. For what have I to live? Rid me therefore of worthless existence."^[34] Saying this, with his hand he touched a dagger in the belt of Cortés. The general sought to reassure him, declaring that none could resist the Christian's God. He had performed his duty bravely, like a good prince, and should be treated as such.

Although the great end was thus accomplished, slaughter and pillage were continued until long after vespers. Before the troops withdrew to their respective camps, the prisoners, including the pretty empress, Tecuichpo, were conducted to safe quarters in Coyuhuacan. Shortly afterward a rain set in, aiding the efforts of the Spaniards to check the auxiliaries in their maraudings, and this, developing toward midnight into a furious storm with lightning and thunder, seemed to the homeless Mexicans to be the xiuhcoatl of Huitzilopochtli and the tumult of departing deities. To the conquerors this flashing and thundering of heaven's artillery was the salvo attending victory, which was celebrated in feasting and merriment till came late slumber with visions of gold, and lands, and vassals.

 

Thus ended Tuesday, the 13th of August 1521, sacred to St Hippolytus, and accordingly adopted by the conquerors as patron saint of the city. During colonial régime the day was annually celebrated by a solemn festival, wherein the leading citizens and officials rode on horseback in procession round the city, headed by the viceroy and the alférez mayor bearing a banner commemorative of the conquest.^[35] For seventy-five days consecutively, says Cortés,^[36] the siege had been wreathing its coils midst almost hourly scenes of bloodshed, wherein nearly one thousand Spaniards and two hundred times that number of allies had taken part, one hundred or thereabout of the former falling, and many thousands among the latter.^[37]

As for the Mexicans, most of the early authorities assert that fully one hundred thousand perished, besides those who died from pest and famine.^[38] At the order of their sovereign, after the proclamation of peace, the miserable remnant began to evacuate their pest-holes, and to seek the fields adjacent, now lustrous green under refreshing rains. Ah! it was pitiful, life to them now, this world a great charnel-house filled with the bones of their loved ones, and their hearts dead though still bleeding. What were their sins more than those of others, that they should be so stricken, that they should be so ground to the dust while the conquerors flushed with victory were exulting before God because he had so ordered and accomplished? They had sacrificed human beings on the altars of their gods, sixty thousand in one year, some said. But what were these butcheries of the Spaniards but human sacrifices, of more than six times sixty thousand in one year! Behold them as they file along the causeway, the very sun striking black and stifling on their famine-stricken forms and agonized faces. On them, then, ye conquerors! Complete your work; for in its swift continuance is their earliest rest!^[39]

The 14th of August the troops entered the surrendered quarters to review their work and its results. "I swear," writes Bernal Diaz, "that the lake and houses and abodes were so full of bodies and heads of dead men that I am unable to convey an idea thereof; for in the streets and courts of Tlatelulco there were no other things, and we could walk only amidst dead bodies.^[40] Many became sick from the stench, and Cortés ordered fires to be lighted to purify the air. Natives were sent to bring forth the dead, and with them went Spaniards seeking for gold, silver, precious stones, and plumage, leaving textile fabrics and other less valued effects to the allies; but the quantity known to have been obtained fell far below their extravagant expectations, and in their disappointment the soldiers searched the persons of fugitives, looking into their very mouths for hidden gold, says a native record. Bernal Diaz complains that the brigantine crews had already plundered the wealthiest persons, who were in the canoes, and had sacked the treasurehouses while the others were fighting. They in their turn affirmed that the Mexicans had cast their treasures into the lake. The mysterious depths harbor many secrets, and beneath the waters, round the famed city of the Aztecs, tradition still places glittering deposits of untold extent.

Three or four days after the fall, Cortés passed over to Coyuhuacan with the greater part of his forces, there more formally to celebrate the end of the siege in banqueting and thanksgiving. A feature of the performance was a solemn procession by all the soldiers, bareheaded, with banners, raising their voices in praise to God, who had given them the victory, and who was so soon to be worshipped from gulf to southern sea.^[41]

The services of the allies being at present no longer needed, Cortés assembled them to speak farewell. He dwelt in flattering terms on their brave and effective deeds. He promised they should be duly represented to his majesty, who would reward them with singular privileges. To the chiefs were then given shields, robes, and other articles, with promises of more lands and vassals. Then they went their way, happy in their slaves and spoils, happy in the thought of humbled foe, happy in the promises of the Spaniards; they did not know, poor simpletons, that all along the days and nights of this terrible siege, with sword and lance on Aztec breast, they had been forging their own fetters, which they and their children long must wear.^[42]

 

The conquest of Mexico was less a subjugation by Spanish soldiers than their skilful manœuvring of New World forces against one another. Had Anáhuac been united it would have succumbed less readily, perhaps never. As it was, while the native nations were slaying each other, fighting out their ancient feuds, the astute Spaniards laid their all-possessing hand upon the country.

Nor was any apology on their part needed before christendom. Mankind to this day have not become so humane and just as not to find excuse for any wrong within the realms of strength and inclination. What then could be expected of an age and nation wherein it was not uncommon to cloak crime under the fair garb of religion. Hitherto came the Spaniards to murder and to rob: to rob and murder in the name of charity and sweet heaven. No excuses were necessary, however convenient to that end came the appeals of the Cempoalans groaning under terrible oppression at the hand of a race delighting in blood and extortion; a race which within two centuries had risen from a degrading servitude largely by means of intrigue and treachery; a race stamped with ignoble characteristics born of serfdom, and eager to retaliate on others for their past humiliation, yet energetic, enterprising, and advancing with rapid strides along the pathway of indigenous culture. Ambitious to rule, they sent their armies to bring province after province under the yoke. Rapacious collectors followed to press the substance out of the people, for the appetite of themselves and their masters. Confiscation, enslavement, and desolation marched in the train, and the fairest hopes of the land were dragged away in bondage, and to bleed on the stone of sacrifice.

To all these appalling evils the Totonacs, among others, were exposed, when soldiers appeared on their shores bearing aloft the symbol of charity, of deliverance. The crushed family appealed to them, also the writhing slaves, for from the altars of hideous idols rose the dying shrieks of youths and maidens. But a short time before knights of different orders swarmed over Europe, the professed champions of the oppressed; and the spirit of the crusaders still lingered in Spain, in form if nothing more; and what Christian soldier could unheedingly view such outrages!

Montezuma and his people were inhuman monsters, and Grotius, Montesquieu, and others who should know, say that war in behalf of humanity is a duty;^[43] and this notwithstanding the remedy be tenfold more inhuman than the disease.

Not that the Spaniards were insincere in their proffers of such excuses; duty comes to us in the color of our desires. Moreover, they were fresh from the Moorish wars; they were imbued with a religious exaltation and chivalric sentiment that placed before them in varied light duty to their God, their king, and themselves. For centuries they had been trained to devote life and possessions to advance the interests of sovereign and church. Many of the noblest characteristics were interwoven in the nature of Cortés, and also with admirable distinctness in such men as Juan Velazquez, Sandoval, and Puertocarrero. In others we find the dignity of the hidalgo upheld without marked stain, and this notwithstanding the tendency to intrigue, the disregard for truth and justice, and a yielding to certain vices on the part of leaders, and the greed and brutality of rank and file. But even among the common soldiers, in fairness we cannot disregard the echo of noble sentiment, the aspiration toward high emprise there present. It is the leader, however, who with all his selfish cruelties and unprincipled trickeries must ever remain the central figure of our admiration. If ever there was a hero, a genius of war worthy the adoration of war worshippers, if ever there were grand conception and achievement, all were vividly displayed in the mind and person of Hernan Cortés.

An able French writer, comparing the siege of Mexico with that of Troy, depicts Cortés as an Achilles in whom were combined the talents of Aganemnon and Ulysses.^[44]

In some respects, and as compared with his companions, he indeed approached the deity the Mexicans thought him. Behold him out upon this venture, throwing life to the winds that waft him from Cuba, sinking his ships behind him, plunging into the heart of a hostile country, and with a handful of men opposing powerful armies, quelling insurrections, capturing his captors, turning enemies into allies, balancing upon his finger contending powers,and after the grand cataclysm opened by him on the central plateau has spent itself, he quietly pockets the prize. No Alexander, or Scipio, or Cæsar, or Napoleon ever achieved results so vast with means so insignificant. It was indeed a rare piracy!

Taken as a whole, the testimony of eye-witnesses and the early chroniclers on the conquest may be considered as fully up to the average of historical evidence. While there was no little exaggeration, and some downright mendacity, such were the number of the witnesses, the time, place, and circumstances of their several relations, and the clearness of their testimony, that we find no difficulty with regard to any important matters in determining truth and falsehood. When in addition to the writings of the Spaniards we have native records and architectural remains as collateral evidence, every honest searcher after truth may be satisfied.

In regard to the two writers by the name of Diaz who accompanied the first expedition to Mexico, I have spoken of the Itinerario de Grijalva of the priest, and before closing this volume I will review the Historia Verdadera of the soldier. Following these were the memorials of the relatives of Velazquez, wholly unreliable; the relation of the Anonymous Conqueror, whose statements were for the most part true; many documents, such as the Carta del Ejército, and Probanza de Lejalde, as well as the Cartas de Cortés, in the main true, but which may properly be accepted only after close scrutiny and careful comparison; the reports of Zurita, and the innumerable papers and documents lately brought to light by Navarrete, Ramirez, Icazbalceta, Ternaux-Compans, and others, and published as Coleccion de Documentos Inéditos, Coleccion de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, etc.; native and Spanish historians, Tezozomoc, Camargo, and Ixtlilxochitl; Duran, Veytia, Sahagun, Mendieta, and Las Casas; Oviedo, Peter Martyr, and Gomara; Herrera, Torquemada, Solis, and Clavigero; Bustamante, Robertson, Prescott, and Brasseur de Bourbourg. These and others of but little inferior importance offer ample foundation on which the modern historian may safely rear his superstructure.

I say that it is easy enough to determine truth from falsehood in such a study as this, where the evidence is so abundant and the witnesses are so widely separated. When Torquemada enters into a long argument to show that the misery wrought by the conquest was the punishment by God for the vices of the Mexicans, I do not discuss the matter. I willingly admit that the ancient historian knew, if indeed he knew anything about it, more concerning the mind of the deity than the modern, though the latter might ask if the sufferings of the Spaniards were not in like manner on account of their vices.

The books treating of Cortés' achievements, as I have said, form an immense array, as may be expected from the importance and interest of what Robertson justly terms "the most memorable event in the conquest of America," involving the subjugation of the richest and most advanced country therein, the fall of its beautiful and renowned city, and one of the most daring campaigns ever undertaken. The narrative reads indeed like a romance rather than history based on stern facts, and it is not strange that men have arisen who seek to cast doubt, not alone on certain incidents, but on the main features of the achievement and the field.

One method of doubt has been to lower the estimate of native culture and resources; to sneer at the large cities, magnificent palaces, regal state, certain industrial and fine arts, picture-writing, and other evidences of a higher culture. Such statements reveal to the experienced student a lamentable disregard or ignorance of evidence extant, of ruins with their massive form, their beautifully designed ornamentation, their admirable sculptured and plastic delineation of the human figure, both far in advance of the conventional specimens of Egypt, and the former equal in many respects to the productions of the higher Greek art. The picture-writing, again, reveals the phonetic element so developed as to endow the Mexicans with that high proof of culture, written records, applied not only to historic incidents and common facts, but to abstract subjects of philosophic, scientific, and poetic nature, as instanced in my Native Races.

It needed not the official investigation instituted by the Spanish government to confirm the mute testimony of relics, and the vivid declaration of chronicłers. Native records exist in sufficient abundance to speak for themselves; records written by and for the people, and therefore free from any suspicion of misrepresentation; records used by a number of writers for obtaining that insight into esoteric features of Nahua institutions which could not well be acquired by Spaniards. The translation of these records, as reproduced in the volumes of Sahagun, Ixtlilxochitl, Kingsborough, and others, with copies of original paintings, have been carefully used both for the Native Races and the histories of Mexico and Guatemala, and introduced indeed more thoroughly in this series as evidence than by any modern writer on the subject, not excepting the learned Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg, though unlike this enthusiast I have not allowed myself to accept this evidence with the same non-critical bias. I have merely used it for what it is worth, after applying severe analytic tests. Certain points may be covered by merely one or two authorities; but even then the erudite student will readily determine the value of the testimony from internal evidence, while in the generality of cases he will find a number of versions by natives and Spaniards, by partisans and rivals, whose contradictions will aid him in determining the truth.

 

In a previous bibliographic note I have pointed out the many internal evidences furnished by the letters of Cortés, of undoubted reliability on most points, in their minuteness, their frank soldierly tone, and other features. They are besides confirmed in all the more essential points by the contemporaneous letters from the municipality of Villa Rica and the army, the sworn depositions before the royal notary by leading officers, the narratives of Andrés de Tápia, and others. Still stronger confirmation is given in the complaints and memorials issued by enemies and rivals of the great captain, who in their efforts to detract from his character and achievements provide the historian with material that enables him to avoid the pitfalls abounding even in the honest narratives of partisans, either from sympathy, from lack of thorough knowledge, or from hearsay. Such testimony is abundant in the residencia investigations of Cortés, Alvarado, Guzman, and others, all which contain voluminous testimony on the most important questions. Prescott's opportunities for consulting new material were vastly superior to those of his predecessors. If mine have been correspondingly greater, it may perhaps to some extent be due to the example set by him in his earnest researches, and because since the publication of his volumes, private individuals and learned societies have striven with increased enthusiasm to bring to light hidden material, notably from the rich archives of Spain and certain Latin-American states.

From this mass of what may be termed documentary evidence we turn to the regular historians and narrators, beginning with Peter Martyr and Oviedo, who both adhere chiefly to Cortés, though the latter adds other versions by different eye-witnesses. Sahagun's account contains a strange admixture of native absurdities and vague recollections of converted soldiers. A more complete version is given by Gomara, the biographer of the great captain, who had access to private and public archives and individual narratives now lost; but he frequently colors the incidents to the credit of his hero and his profession. Nevertheless the value of the text is testified to by his Mexican translator Chimalpain, who adds some interesting facts from native records and personal knowledge. The Tezcucan writer Ixtlilxochitl also follows him pretty closely for the Spanish side, while the archives left him by his royal ancestors and different narratives furnish the other side, frequently absurd and highly colored. Camargo gives a rather brief Tlascaltec version. Gomara's coloring, which, in accordance with the method of most historians, leaves the credit for achievements with the leader, roused the feelings of more than one of the soldiers who had shared in the glories of that period, and Bernal Diaz promptly began to write his celebrated Historia Verdadera, which professes to tell the true story and rectify in particular the so-called blunders of Gomara. Although this profession is not always to be relied on, the story is most valuable from its exceeding completeness, its many new facts, and its varied version. Not long after, Herrera, the official historiographer, began his decades, wherein for the conquest he uses the material already printed, with a leaning toward Gomara, yet with several additional narratives to perfect his own revised version, notably that of Ojeda, a leading officer under Cortés, and also no small mass of material from the archives of Spain. Torquemada copies him for the most part, though he adds much native testimony from Sahagun, from a Tezcucan writer, and others, making his account of the conquest the most complete up to that time. Solis elaborates with little critique, and with a verboseness and grandiloquence that tire. Vetancurt's version is comparatively brief, with few additions, and Robertson's is a brilliant summary; but Clavigero, while adding not much to Torquemada's bulky account, presents it in quite a new form, pruned of verboseness, re-arranged in a masterly manner, and invested with a philosophic spirit altogether superior to anything presented till Prescott's time. On the above historians and some of Cortés' letters are founded the immense array of minor accounts and summaries on the conquest, both in separate and embodied form, some of them provided with occasional observations, but for the great part they contain nothing of any value to the student. Those after Prescott's time follow him as a rule. Mexican accounts might naturally be expected to present useful features, but such is hardly the case. Alaman, Ramirez, Icazbalceta, Orozco y Berra, Bustamante, and certain writers in the Boletin of the Mexican Geographical Society, have brought to light several documents and monographs bearing on particular incidents and features; but no complete account of real value has been written, Carbajal's pretentious version being almost wholly a plagiarism from Clavigero, Mora's a hasty compilation, and so on. As for the new bulky Spanish version by Zamacois, it is not only verbose but superficial and narrow in its research, blundering even where Prescott points the way, and representing more a feuilleton issue than a history.

 

Bernal Diaz del Castillo is, as I have said, the main historian of the conquest, from the exhaustive thoroughness of his material, as compared with other original writers, and from his participation in all its leading scenes, including the discovery voyages. For about half a century he survives, and sees comrade after comrade disappear from the field till but five of Cortés' original company remain, "all of us very old, suffering from infirmities, and very poor, burdened with sons and daughters to marry, and grandchildren, and with but a small income; and thus we pass our days in toil and misery."

He is not so badly off, however, as he would have us believe, for a comfortable encomienda supplies every want, and numerous descendants throng round to minister to his comfort and listen to his tales. But as he recalls the great achievements wherein he participated, he swells with the importance of the events, and dwelling on the multiplied treasures he has assisted to capture, the reward sinks to insignificance. It is but the chronic grumble, however, of an old soldier that half the continent would not satisfy. Springing from a poor and humble family of Medina del Campo, in old Castile, he had embarked at an early age with the expedition of Pedrarias in 1514 to seek fortune in Darien. Failing there, he drifts to Cuba in time to join the discovery parties of Córdoba and Grijalva. Subsequently he enlists under Cortés as a common soldier, yet somewhat above the mass in the favor of his chief. "Soldado distinguido," says Juarros, implying higher birth; but this is doubtful. There is hardly a prominent incident of the conquest in which he does not participate, being present in no less than one hundred and nineteen battles, according to his enumeration, whereof many a scar remains to bear witness, and many a trophy to attest his valor. In due time he receives his share of repartimientos of land and serfs, and settles in Goazacoalco as regidor, with sufficient means to feed a taste that procures for him the not ill-esteemed nickname of Dandy. From his life of contentment, though not equal to his claims, he is torn by the Honduras expedition under Cortés, who gives him at times the command of a small party, whence comes the sported title of captain. Afterward for a time he drifts about, and finally settles in Guatemala city with the rank of regidor perpétuo, and with a respectable encomienda, obtained partly through the representations of Cortés to the king. He marries Teresa, daughter of Bartolomé Becerra, one of the founders of the city, and repeatedly its alcalde, and has several children, whose descendants survive to witness the overthrow of the royal banner planted by their forefather. Grandsons figure as deans of the city church, and an historian of the adopted country rises in Fuentes y Guzman. Pinelo, Epitome, ii. 604; Gonzalez Dávila, Teatro Ecles., i. 177; Memorial de Conquistadores, in Monumentos Admin. Munic., MS.; Juarros, Guat., i. 338, 350; Torquemada, i. 351.

The leisure afforded him in Guatemala, broken by little save the inspection of his estate, gave opportunity for indulging in the reveries of by-gone days. Histories of achievements were nearly all connected with the great Cortés, famed on every lip; yet that fame had been acquired with the aid of soldiers who like himself had been consigned to an obscure corner of the vast domains conquered by them. It did not seem right to the scarred veteran that the fruits of combined toil should fall to one or two alone; that he himself should be regarded far less than hundreds of upstarts whose only deeds had been to reap the field won by him and his comrades. He would tel his tale at all events; and forthwith he began to arrange the notes formed during his career, and to uplift the curtains of memory for retrospective views. While thus occupied he came upon the history by Gomara, and perceiving "his great rhetoric, and my work so crude, I stopped writing, and even felt ashamed to let it appear among notable persons." But finding that the biographer of Cortés had committed many blunders, and had colored the narrative on behalf of his patron, he again seized the pen, with the double purpose of correcting such errors and of vindicating his slighted comrades. Faithfully he carried out his plan, recording name after name of brave fellows who shed lustre on the flag, who freely risked their lives in gallant encounters, or who gave their last breath for church and king. While dwelling lovingly on humble companions, whose cause he espoused, he detracts little from the leaders and cavaliers. He describes their appearance and traits with a graphic fidelity that seems to bring them before us in person; he freely accords them every credit, and if he spares not their vices they are seldom brought forward in a captious or ill-natured spirit. On the contrary, he frequently covers disagreeable facts in deference to the dead. This general fairness of dealing is particularly noticeable in regard to Cortés, whom nevertheless he sometimes severely criticises; and while Diaz assumes for his side the credit of many a suggestion and deed, yet he is ever the loyal soldier, and frequently takes up the cudgel in behalf of the honored leader when others seek to assail him. He admires the great captain hardly less than himself. Indeed, to say that the old campaigner was vain is stating it mildly. Two licentiates who read the manuscript pointed this out to him, but he replied, "Whom does it harm? No one praises an old, broken-down soldier, so I must even praise myself. It is a duty I owe not only to my fair name but to my descendants." He revives in his narrative and carries us back with him to those stirring days, depicting now the hardships of the march, now the new countries and races that appear; then he enters into the heat of battle with a fidelity that brings the din and turmoil vividly before us; and anon we see the adventurers in camp, in their social relations, relieved by pleasing episodes. He enters thoroughly into their hopes and feelings, deeds and life; he grows eloquent and pathetic by turns, and reveals also the undercurrent of piety and zeal which pervaded the rakish crew. Here is the gossipy frankness of Herodotus, illumined by many a quaint observation and many a blunt sally. Bernal Diaz had but the rudiments of education, which nevertheless was above the average among his fellow-soldiers; but he had evidently read a little in later years, to judge by his allusions to classic history, though not enough to acquire more than a mediocre proficiency in grammar. There is a minuteness of detail at times wearisome, and garrulous digression and repetition; but a simple perspicuity pervades the whole narrative, which makes it easy to follow, while the frankness and frequent animation are pleasing. Much of it appears to have been dictated, perhaps to some one of his children, "cuyo manuscrito se conserva en el archivo de esta municipalidad." Jil, in Gaceta Nic., June 24, 1865. It was given for perusal to different persons, and several copies made; but none cared to assume its publication. Sixty years later, however, Friar Alonso Remon, chronicler of the Merced order in Spain, found one set in the library of Ramirez del Prado, of the Council of the Indies, and perceiving the importance of the narrative, he caused it to be printed at Madrid in 1632 under the title of Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva-España. Remon dying during the publication, Friar Gabriel Adarzo, "nunc Hydruntinus præsul," Antonio, Bib. Hisp. Nova, iii. 224, took it in charge. Several discrepancies indicate that revisions have been made, and Vazquez, Chron. Guat., 524, whose jealousy as a friar was aroused by allusions to Father Olmedo, Cortés' companion, compared the print with the original copy and pointed out several differences. A second edition, bearing the date 1632, though published later probably, contains an additional chapter on omens, which appears in others of the many editions and translations issued in different countries, even of late years.

 

Perhaps the most clear-sighted writer on Mexico during the last century was Francisco Javier Clavigero, himself a native of that country, and born at Vera Cruz in 1731. His father was a Leonese, whose official duties called him to different parts of the country, and young Francisco profited by this to acquire a knowledge of its resources and idioms. After a novitiate of three years at the Jesuit college of Tepozotlan, he passed to that at Puebla, and there studied philosophy and theology, and showed particular fondness for languages, both classic and native. He taught rhetoric and philosoplhy in the principal schools of the country, though restricted somewhat by the superiors in his too liberal ideas, for which Mexico was not yet considered ripe. Meanwhile his enthusiasm centred on the study of Aztec history and hieroglyphs, which received a serious check in the expulsion of Jesuits from America in 1767. He sought refuge in Italy, staying chiefly at Bologna, where he founded an academy, and having considerable leisure he began to shape the results of his late studies, impelled in no small degree by the writings of De Pauw and Robertson, which grated on his patriotic spirit. They were prepared in Spanish, but the authorities giving no encouragement for their publication in Spain, an Italian translation was made and issued in four volumes, as Storia Antica del Messico, Cesena, 1780, dedicated to the university at Mexico. Subsequently a Spanish version appeared, but not before several editions had been published in England and other countries. The first volume treats of resources and ancient history, the second of manners and customs, the third of the conquest, and the fourth consists of a series of dissertations on the origin of the Americans, on chronology, physique, languages, and other points. They have been widely quoted, and Francisco Carbajal de Espinosa has shown such appreciation of it as to copy almost the whole text in what he calls his Historia de Mexico, Mex., 1856, 2 vols. Clavigero's work is based to a great extent on aboriginal records and personal observation, and the old chronicles have been largely used; but their cumbrous and confused material is here arranged in a manner worthy of the liberal-minded philosopher and rhetorician. Indeed, no previous work in this field can at all compare with it for comprehensiveness and correctness, depth of thought and clearness of expression. In the former respect he greatly surpasses Robertson and in the latter he may be classed as his equal. His death, which took place at Bologna in 1787, found him in the midst of a number of literary projects, called forth in part by the success of the Storia, and by the different subjects which he had therein touched but lightly. Among these works was the Storia della California, issued at Venice two years after his death. It will be noticed in due order. There can be no more fitting close to this volume on the conquest of Mexico than a tribute of esteem to William Hickling Prescott. I have noted in a previous volume his amiable weakness, incident to the times rather than to the man, of intensifying the character of prominent personages so as to present the good better and the bad worse than they truly were, in order to render his narrative stronger and more interesting than it would be otherwise; but this is nothing as compared with his general fairness, united with a magnificent style and philosophic flow of thought. I have noted some inaccuracies and contradictions in his history, but these are nothing as compared with his general care and correctness as a writer. I have mentioned material which he lacked, but this is nothing as compared with the great mass of fresh evidence which he brought to enrich his subject. Words fail to express my admiration of the man, the scholar, the author. Apart from the din and dust of ordinary life, he lived as one in the world but not of it, pure of mind, gentle of heart, and surpassingly eloquent.

Mr Prescott was born at Salem, Massachusetts, May 4, 1796. His father, a lawyer of rising reputation, then thirty-four years of age, removed his family to Boston in 1808. At the age of fifteen William entered Harvard College. While engaged in a boyish frolic one day during his junior year a large hard piece of bread, thrown probably at random, struck full in his left eye, forever depriving him of its use. Pursuing his studies with his wonted cheerfulness, he graduated in 1814, and entered upon the study of law in his father's office. In 1815 a rheumatic inflammation settled in his right eye, now his sole dependence, causing him much pain and anxiety. A change of climate having been determined upon, he embarked for the Azores, on a visit to his grandfather Hickling, then United States consul at Saint Michael. There he remained about six months, confined the greater part of the time to a dark room. In April 1816 he embarked for London, crossed to Paris, made the usual Italian tour, and the following year, his eye becoming worse, he returned home. But hope for the restoration of his sight still lingered, and the marvellous buoyancy of his spirits never deserted him. A devoted sister cheered the long hours of his solitude by readings from his favorite authors. A literary venture made at this time in a contribution to the North American Review failed; his manuscript was returned, and his sister, alone in the secret, was enjoined to silence.

Leaving his darkened chamber and mingling again with society, of which he was ever a bright ornament, he became attached to a daughter of Thomas C. Amory, a Boston merchant, whom he married on his twenty-fourth birthday.

Mr Prescott now abandoned the hope of the entire restoration of his eye. If by restrictions of diet and dieting and by persistent open-air exercise he might preserve a partial use of the organ he would rest content. And thus he passed the remainder of his life. At times he was in almost total darkness, but ordinarily he could read and revise his manuscripts; for the purpose of writing, however, he was obliged to use a noctograph.

Possessing strong literary tastes, and an aversion to law, Mr Prescott determined upon literature as a pursuit, and in 1826, with the aid of a secretary, he began a systematic course of reading for a history of Ferdinand and Isabella. For three years and a half he pursued this preparatory labor; in 1829 he began writing, publishing the work in 1837. Ten of the best years of his life Mr Prescott claims to have devoted to this book; and for the use of the stereotype plates, which Mr Prescott supplied at his own cost, and the right to publish twelve hundred and fifty copies, the American Stationers' Company agreed to pay the sum of one thousand dollars. But money was not the author's object. The publication in London was offered to John Murray and to the Longmans, and was declined by both. Bentley finally became the London publisher. The work was well received on both sides of the Atlantic; it was translated into several languages, and procured for the author at once a world-wide reputation. The Conquest of Mexico was a worthy outgrowth of so splendid a creation as the Ferdinand and Isabella. The year following the publication of his first work, and after having sent to Spain and Mexico for materials for histories of the conquests of Mexico and Peru, Mr Prescott learned accidentally that Mr Irving was engaged on similar work. He wrote Irving, acquainting him of the fact, and the latter retired gracefully from the field. In 1843 the Conquest of Mexico appeared, under the auspices of the Harpers, who paid $7500 for the use of the plates and the right to publish 5000 copies. The Conquest of Peru was published in 1847; Philip the Second in 1855-8; and Robertson's Charles the Fifth in 1856. Mr Prescott died of apoplexy in the Sixty-third year of his age.

For his Conquest of Mexico, besides all printed material extant, Mr Prescott drew upon a large mass of new information in manuscript, from several sources, notably from the valuable collection of Munoz, brought together for an intended history of America; that of Vargas Ponce, obtained chiefly from Seville archives; that of Navarrete, president of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid; and the archives of Cortés' heirs, all of which shed new light on almost every section of the subject. His deep research, manifest throughout in copious foot-notes, is especially displayed in the very appropriate introduction on Mexican civilization, which enables the reader to gain an intimate knowledge of the people whose subjugation he follows. Good judgment is also attested in the dissertation on the moot question of the origin of this culture, wherein he prudently abstains from any decided conclusions. The fact of occasional inaccuracies cannot be severely criticised when we consider the infirmity under which the author labored. Since his time so great a mass of material has been brought to light that the aspect of history is much changed. This new material consists partly of native records, and it is due to his unacquaintance with these records that a great lack is implied in his pages. The fact that Prescott relied too much on Spanish material may account for the marked bias in favor of the conquerors in many instances where strict impartiality might be expected, and for the condemnatory and reflective assertions which at times appear in direct contradiction to previous lines of thought. At times, as if aware of this tendency, he assumes a calmness that ill fits the theme, giving it the very bias he seeks to avoid. Yet with all this it is safe to say that few histories have been written in which the qualities of philosopher and artist are so happily blended.

 

 

1. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii., lib. i. cap. xx., places this incident on the third day of entry into the city.
2. 'Todos los mas principales y esforzados y valientes.' Cortés, Cartas, 244. And 2000 captives. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 43. 'Tuuieron bien q̄ cenar aquella noche los Indios nuestros amigos,' observes Gomara, unctuously. Hist. Mex., 209. Bernal Diaz, who claims to have been among the 100 select, intimates that Alvarado also formed an ambuscade that day, though less effective. Hist. Verdad., 153-4. In rushing from the hiding-place, says Cortés, two horses collided, one of them throwing its rider and charging alone amid the foe. After receiving several wounds it sought refuge among the soldiers and was conducted to camp, where it died.
3. 'Fué bien principal causa para que la ciudad mas presto se ganase,' Cortés, Cartas, 245, but this must be regarded as an exaggerated estimate.
4. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. ii. Torquemada, i. 560, 564, wavers, intimating in one place that all were determined to die. When the people at last inclined to peace, says Gomara, Quauhtemotzin opposed it on the ground that they had once decided for war, 'contra su voluntad y consejo.' Hist. Mex., 213. Most of the revelation was made by a woman of rank, it appears. Carried away by his love for hero-painting, Prescott has either missed or ignored the facts which now reveal his false coloring.
5. 'Y asi escondidas huvo algunos Principales de las Provincias cercanas que acudieron con algun maiz para sola llevar joyas.' That is, where the cruisers allowed such smuggling. Duran, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 497.
6. About 1000 were killed, says Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 44; but Cortés puts the killed and captured at more than 800. Cartas, 245.
7. 'Osauan nuestros vergantines romper las estacadas. . . remauan con gran fuerça y. . . a todas velas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 150.
8. 'De la Capitana, que èl havia salvado,' says Herrera, while asserting that the captain Villafuerte abandoned her; but this hardly agrees with his own later statements that Villafuerte remained in charge of the fleet, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xxi.; lib. ii. cap. viii. The slain leader is called the lieutenant-general of Quauhtemotzin, and his death 'fue causa, que mas presto se ganase la Ciudad,' Torquemada, i. 538, all of which is doubtful. A similar reward to that of Lopez was accorded on another occasion to a soldier named Andrés Nuñez, who after the captain had abandoned his vessel led her to the rescue of two consorts. When the commander came to resume his post Nuñez refused to admit him, saying that he had forfeited it. On being appealed to, Cortés sustained the brave fellow and gave him the command, in which capacity he rendered important service. Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i.
9. July 25th, according to Clavigero, while Torquemada less correctly makes it August 5th.
10. The Spanish corruption of Quauhtemotzin. 'La calle qᵉ ba al tianguiz de Tlatelulco qᵉ se llama de Guatimosa.' Libro de Cabildo, MS., 88.
11. Herrera names Magallanes as one of those who succumbed under the onslaught of a chief, but his death was avenged by Diego Castellanos, a noted marksman, dec. iii. lib. i. cap. xx. On this occasion Ixtlilxochitl intimates that his namesake captured his brother, the usurper king of Tezcuco, and surrendering him to Cortés, he was at once secured with shackles. Hor. Crueldades, 42-3. 'De manera que de cuatro partes de la ciudad, las tres estaban ya por nosotros.' Cortés, Cartas, 246.
12. At the cornr of the street leading to Sandoval's quarter. Id., 247.
13. I knew three of them, writes Bernal Diaz. 'Las enterramos en vna Iglesia, que se dize aora loa Mártires.' Hist. Verdad., 153.
14. For a full description see Native Races, ii. 382 et seq.
15. Cortés saw the smoke from his camp, from which he was preparing to start. Cartas, 247. Herrera leaves the impression that Alférez Montaño captured the temple, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. i., but he was probably only the first to step on the summit. Bernal Diaz, who fought under Alvarado, states distinctly that Badajoz led the party, but he is no doubt incorrect in adding that the fight on the top continued till night. Hist. Verdad., 153. Torquemada, i. 565, refers to the temple as the Acatliyacapan. Duran makes Cortés appeal to the Chalcans, and they 'tomando la delantera del Ejército, y con ellos Yxtlilxachitl. . .ganaron el Cue grande.' Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 506. This must be a Chalcan version.
16. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 210. Cortés calls them wounded merely. Sahagun's native version of the plaza fight is very confusing, and mixed with that of the struggle against the other divisions, 'y tomaron los bergantines [two] á los españoles, y llevarónlos á una laguna que llaman Amanalco.' Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 202-3. But this must be a mistake.
17. 'Que se llama Atenantitech, donde ahora està edificada la Iglesia de la Concepcion, junto de la Albarrada.' Torquemada, i. 553. Tetenamitl ward, says Sahagun in one edition. Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 209.
18. This or a third relic bore the name of Mamalhuazıli. Sahagun also refers to a divine bow and arrow. Hist. Conq, 53-4. But his editions vary in text; see that of 1840, 210-12. The serpent was invoked even after the conquest, says the pious friar, and he heard Father Tembleque relate that he one day opened his window during a storm and had his left eye injured by a ray of lightning, which damaged the house and adjoining church. This ray, the Mexicans assured him, was the Xiuhcoatl, conjured up by the sorcerers, for they had seen it issue in the form of a big snake through the door. The editor Bustamante tells an equally impressive story in connection with an attempt to account for the snake and lightning.
19. One being killed and two horses wounded. Bernal Diaz, loc. cit.
20. Sahagun, Hist. Conq. (ed. 1840), 213. The editor Bustamante speaks of a similar phenomenon in Michoacan in 1829. Id. (ed. 1829), 68.
21. De los niños no quedó nadie, que las mismas madres y padres los comian,' is the statement of the native records. Id., 210. Yet Torquemada, i. 572, assumes that the Mexicans would not eat of their own race. Thousands had already died of starvation without touching the flesh of countrymen, though priests partook of children sacrificed during ordinary festivals; but at last the scruple among the masses was overcome by despair. See Native Races, ii. passim.
22. 'Porque no acabas co el que nos acabe?. . Desseamos la muerte por yr a descansar cõ Quetçalcouatlh,' adds Gomara, Hist. Mex., 210-11.
23. The chroniclers call him an uncle of the Tezcucan king, but this appears to be a misinterpretation of Cortés' text, wherein he says that such an uncle had captured the prisoner.
24. Cortés, Cartas, 251. This was partly in accordance with the law against nobles who returned from captivity, as already instanced.
25. Tenia mucho miedo de parecer ante mí, y tambien estaba malo.' Cortés, Cartas, 253. 'Empacho,' explains Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. vii. He feared to be shot. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 164.
26. 'Ni tenian ni hallaban flechas ni varas ni piedras con que nos ofender . . . No tenian paso por donde andar sino por encinia de los muertos y por las azoteas.' Cortes, Cartas, 234.
27. 'Mataron y prendieron mas de cuarenta mil ánimas.' Id. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 48, raises the number to 59,000, while Duran states that over 40,000 men and women perished while fleeing. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 510. What pained the conquerors most, however, was the sight and knowledge of what immense quantity of booty eluded them to pass into the hands of these marauders.
28. 'Entre la Garita del Peralvillo, la place de Santiago de Tlatelolco et le pont d'Amaxac.' So says Pichardo. Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 193. Donde se embarcaban para Atzlapotzalco,' adds Bustamante. Ixtlilxochitl, Hor. Crueldades, 50.
29. Chimalpain calls him Tlacotzin, afterward baptized as Juan Velasquez. Hist. Conq., i. 71. Ciguacoacin, y era el Capitan y gobernador de todos cllos, é por su consejo se seguian todas las cosas de la guerra,' says Cortés, Cartas, 255.
30. 'Porque les queria combatir y acabar de matar.' Cartas, 256. Pues eran barbaros, que no queria dexar hombre vivo, q͏̄ se fuessen.' Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap vii.
31. The distinguished captive said: "Capitan señor, dáte buena maña, que aquellos indios. . . son esclavos de Guatimuçin, é podrá ser quél va allí huyendo, porque su bandera ya no paresçe.' Oviedo, iii. 516. A canoe of twenty rowers and bearing a number of people. Gomara, Hist. Conq., 212. See also Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 164; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 230. A small canoe, says Duran.
32. Torquemada, i. 570–1, followed by Clavigero, mentions besides Tetlepanquetzaltzin, king of Tlacopan, the fugitive king of Tezcuco; but this is doubtful, as we have seen. He enumerates several dignitaries. Brasseur de Bourbourg names Tlacahuepan, son of Montezuma, while his authority, Ixtlilxochitl, states that his namesake captured him and Tetlepanquetzaltzin in another canoe, and in a third Papantzin Oxomoc, widow of Emperor Cuitlahuatzin. Hor. Crueldades, 50. 'Quahutimoc se puso en pie en la popa de su canoa para pelear. Mas como vio ballestas. . . rindio se.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 213. This probably assumed fact has been elaborated by some writers into an heroic act. The incident has been placed by tradition as occurring near the later Puente del Clérigo. But this can hardly be. See note 27. According to Bernal Diaz, Sandoval came up shortly after, on learning the news, and demanded the surrender of the captives to him as the commander of the fleet, who had ordered Holguin to pursue the canoes. The latter refused, and a delay occurred, during which another crew hurried to bear the tidings to Cortés and claim the reward granted for first reports. Two captains were now sent to summon the disputants and captives. Hist. Verdad., 155. Cortés, while according in his letter the credit of the capture to Holguin, promised to refer the claim to the king. Holguin figures some years later as regidor and estate owner in the city.
33. Esta casa era de un principal tlatilulcano que se llamaba Aztaoatzin.' Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 55.
34. The versions of this remarkable speech vary greatly. 'Habia hecho todo lo que de su parte era obligado para defenderse á si y á los suyos hasta venir en aquel estado, que ahora ficiese dél lo que yo quisiese.' Cortés, Cartas, 257. Diçiéndole que le diesse de puñaladas é lo matasse, porque no era raçon que viviesse en el mundo hombre que avia perdido lo que'l avia perdido,' adds Oviedo, iii. 422. Preguntáronle por los chripstianos, é dixo: No me preguntés esso; é si me quereys matar; matadme ya: que harto estoy de vivir,' says another version. Id., 517. Iria mui consolado adonde sus dioses estaban, especialmente haviendo muerto à manos de tal Capitan.' Herrerra, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. vii. 'Why so stubborn?' is the way Duran opens the conversation on Cortés' part. Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 509. "Toglietemi con questo pugnale una vita, che non perdei nella difesa del mio Regno.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 230. See also Ixtlilxochitl and others. Writers generally go into ecstacy over this utterance. 'Magnanimo,' exclaims Peter Martyr, dec. v. cap. viii. 'Heroic,' ejaculates Bustamante in support of Chimalpain's encomium. Hist. Conq., ii. 75. Ce trait est digne du plus beau temps de la Grèce et de Rome.' Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 193. 'A spirit worthy of an ancient Roman,' echoes Prescott, Mex., iii. 206. Bernal Diaz says the emperor wept, and with him his chiefs. Hist. Verdad., 155.
35. Made a few years later by order of the city council. It was not, as many suppose, the original standard, for this was hidden during two centuries among rubbish in the university, as stated in its records. It now exists in the museum, forming a piece about a yard square, which shows on one side the Virgin of the Immaculate Conception with hands joined in prayer, and bearing on her head a crown of gold surrounded by a halo and a circle of stars; on the other are the royal arms. Boturini, Idea, 157. In his Catálogo, 75, this author assumes it to be the standard given to the Tlascaltecs, but Carbajal states that at Tlascala exists another standard of Cortés', with royal arms, Hist. Mex., ii. 637, with a picture of the above named virgin. See also Beaumont, Crón. Mich., ii. 345-6. By order of July 31, 1528, the city council orders bull-fights and other entertainments in honor of the day, 'e q todos cabalguen los q tovieren bestias.' Libro de Cabillo, MS., 127, 234. Mexicans are never seen to share in the procession. "Tan profundo está en sus ánimos la herida.' Cavo, Tres. Siglos, i. 3; Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 192. A minute account of the ceremonies on the occasion is given in Monumentos Hist. Admin. Colon., MS., 365, copied from the Archivo General.
36. Counting from May 30th, Cartas, 257, and so it is stated in the grant to Cortés of Escudo de Armas. Duran and Ixtlilxochitl extend it to 80 and and Bernal Diaz to 93 days. 'Despues de muchos combates, y mas de sessenta peleas peligrosisimas.' Acosta, Hist. Nat. Ind., 525.
37. Over 60 soldiers were lost in the great defeat, and small numbers now and then, while the auxiliaries, less skilled in fighting and chiefly unarmored, succumbed in hordes. Gomara says about 50 soldiers, 6 horses, and not many Indians; Herrera modifies to 'a little over' 50; Torquemada advances to less than 100,' and Clavigero to 'more than 100 Spaniards.' Hernandez, in his Estadist. Méj., 232, computes such curiously exact figures as 107 Spaniards, 18,915 Tlascaltecs, and 33,240 Aztecs. Ixtlilxochitl, ever eager to enlarge upon the services of his race, claims that 30,000 Tezcucans fell out of 200,000 employed, Hor. Crueldades, 51; but this is evidently exaggerated.
38. 'En que murieron infinitos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 213; Herrera, dec. iii. lib. ii. cap. viii.; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 232-3. Bustamante raises the number killed to 150,000 at least.' Chimalpain, Hist. Conq., ii. 74; Ixtlilxochitl, loc. cit., to 240,000, including most of the nobles; while Torquemada, i. 577, observes 'que de veinte partes, no quedò vna, aviendo perecido, y muerto las diez y nueve,' he and several others allowing the estimate of fully 300,000 inhabitants. The survivors are estimated at from 30,000 persons by Torquemada to 70,000 warriors by Oviedo, iii. 516.
39. 'Hiço herrar algunos Hombres, y Mugeres por Esclavos; à todos los demàs dexò en libertad.' Torquemada, 573. A muchos indios é indias, porque estaban dados por traydores,' says Oviedo, iii. 517. Cortés stayed and punished those who took slaves, 'aunque todavia herraron en la cara á algunos mancebos y mugeres.' So states the native record of Sahagun, Hist. Cong. (ed. 1840), 231. But if he punished slave-takers it was for not declaring the capture to the royal official. Duran reduces his account of Spanish liberality to an absurdity, but more from politic reasons than because he had not at hand better evidence, Hist. Ind., MS., ii. 510.
40. Hist. Verdad, 156. 'Io sospetto, che da' Messicani lasciati fossero a bella posta insepolti i cadaveri, per iscacciar colla puzza gli Assediatori.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 231. But this is unlikely. A severe siege will produce such results.
41. Bernal Diaz relates that although wine and provisions from Cuba were abundantly dispensed at the banquet, yet there was not room for one third of the soldiers, and much discontent grew out of it, partly from the utterances of drunken men. A dance followed. Father Olmedo complained of so much revelry before the rendering of due thanks to God. Cortés pleaded that soldiers must be allowed some license, but the following day was set apart for religious services. Hist. Verdad., 156.
42. Bustamante comments on the non-fulfilment of the promises to Tlascala, saying that the republic was rightly served for lending herself to the invaders. Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 144. On their way home, says Ixtlilxochitl, the Tlascaltecs and their neighbors plundered Tezcuco and other towns. With the slaves carried home by his namesake, he adds consolingly, the destroyed palaces of Tezcuco were rebuilt. Hor. Crueldades, 52-3. The Tlascaltecs 'aun lleuaron hartas cargas de tasajos cecinados de Indios Mexicanos, que repartieron entre sus parientes . . . por fiestas.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 157.
43. 'Non dubitamus quin justa sint bella. . .in eos qui humanam carnem epulantur,' etc. De Jure Belli, lib. ii. cap. xx.
44. Alvarado was Ajax; Maxixcatzin, Nestor; Quauhtemotzin, Hector. Chevalier, Mex. Ancien, 232-41.