History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 6

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER VI.

THE VOYAGE.

1519.

Something of the Captains of Cortés — Alvarado — Montejo — Ávila — Olid — Sandoval — Leon — Ordaz — Morla — The Passage — The Fleet Struck by a Squall — Arrival at Cozumel — Alvarado Censured — Search for the Captive Christians — Arrival of Aguilar — His Chaste Adventures — They Come to Tabasco River — Battles there — Conquest of the Natives — Peace Made — Twenty Female Slaves among the Presents — The Fleet Proceeds along the Shore — Puertocarrero's Witticism — Arrival at San Juan de Ulua.

As the everlasting waves that bowl his ships along are discoursing to Cortés of his destiny, let us make the acquaintance of his captains, some of whom are to play parts in the Anáhuac amphitheatre secondary only to his own.

First, there was the fiery and impetuous Pedro de Alvarado, a hero of the Achilles or Sir Lancelot school, strong and symmetrical as a goddess-born; haughty, choleric, sometimes stanch and generous; passionate in his loves and hates, with the usual mixture of license, loyalty, and zeal for the church. He had not eyes to see, from where he stood in the warfare of his day, at once the decline of the fiercer barbarism and the dawn of a truer and gentler heroism. Already we have discovered flashes of temper and tendencies to treachery that display his character by too sulphurous a flame; but we shall find in him much to admire as conquistador and governor.

Alvarado was about the age of Cortés, Bajadoz being his native place. There his father, Diego de Alvarado, comendador de Lobon in the order of Santiago and his mother, Sara de Contreras, struggled with poverty to maintain the reputation of a good family name. At the age of twenty-five Pedro came over to Santo Domingo, and prompted by vanity paraded himself in an old gown of his father's, whereon was sewn the red cross of Santiago. At first he wore this garment inside out, giving as a reason his reduced circumstances which made him ashamed to publicly own the rank of knight. On being reproved by the admiral, he boldly affixed the insignia to his other dresses, and thenceforth called and signed himself the Comendador Alvarado.^[1] The title was never openly questioned in the Indies, where men had little time for inquiring into the affairs of others, and Alvarado failed not with his plausible tongue and crafty nature to use it for obtaining certain privileges and advancement.

When Grijalva prepared his expedition he was living as an encomendero, near Trinidad, in Cuba, with five brothers.^[2] As captain under this chief he gave evidence of an enterprising nature, combined with an impatiency of restraint which ill fitted a subordinate. The want of principle already shown by his conduct at Santo Domingo was here made apparent in the attempt to injure his commander with Velazquez, in order to further his own ends. His now prominent position as a well-to-do gentleman, and the experience gathered under Grijalva, had made him a welcome member of the present expedition. He had also acquired the reputation of a good soldier and horseman, with a bravery bordering on recklessness, and was a great favorite with his men, among whom he also ranked as an able drill master. With an agile frame, he presented a most cheerful and pleasing countenance, fair, some called it, with a tendency to ruddiness. Its attraction centred chiefly in the eyes, and afterward obtained for him among the Indians of Tlascala the appellation of Tonatiuh, the Sun.^[3] His first glance thrown upon a combatant was the flash which was to be followed by the thunderbolt. Vanity prompted a careful attention to dress, but with a result approaching the showy rather than the elegant. His manner, no less winning than the face, made him a most agreeable companion, the more so as he was a liberal fellow, particularly with respect to women, and to pleasures generally. Beneath this smiling exterior, however, lay hidden an insatiable longing for power, and a blind worship of gold as the purchaser of pleasure, and under their influence he became at times so insensible to feelings of humanity as to place him outside the category of greatness.^[4]

Another of Grijalva's captains here present was Francisco de Montejo, who came from Spain with Pedrarias Dávila in 1514. After enlisting men in Española, and aiding in the conquest of Cenú, he came to Cuba to wield the sword for Velazquez; but while ranking as a brave officer and a good horseman, he showed greater aptitude for business.

At the present time he was about thirty-five years of age, of medium stature, and with a bright face, which indicated love for pleasure and generous liberality.^[5]

Alonso de Ávila, the third of Grijalva's brave lieutenants, had also a pleasant face and liberal disposition, combined with good reasoning power, but was altogether too loud-spoken and argumentative, and had an overbearing manner that created many enemies. He was about thirty-three years of age. Cristóbal de Olid, a year his junior, was a well formed, strong-limbed man, with wide shoulders and a somewhat fair complexion. Despite the peculiarity of a groove in the lower lip, which gave it the appearance of being split, the face was most attractive, and the powerful voice helped to bear him out as a good talker. While lacking in sincerity and depth of thought, and being little fit for the council, he possessed qualities which, in connection with great bravery and determination, made him an admirable executive officer; but an ambition to command began to assert itself, and directed by evil influence it brought about his fall a few years later. Bernal Diaz calls him a very Hector in combat, and possessing, among other good qualities, that of being liberal; on the whole an excellent man, though unfit to be a leader.^[6] The youngest of the captains, the most worshipful and the most lovable, was Gonzalo de Sandoval, an hidalgo of only twenty-two years, from Cortés' own town, the son of a fortress commandant, but with merely a rudimentary education. Brave, intrepid, and with a good head, he was equally determined in speech and in deportment, yet with a faultless obedience and loyalty that won the confidence and esteem of his chief. With a strict eye to discipline, he possessed also a kind, humane disposition, which gained the love and respect of his men, whose comfort he studied far more than his own. In Plain in dress, and modest in manner and aspiration, he was free from the greed which tainted so many around him. A soldier in all qualities of the heart and mind, he was also physically fitted for one. battle he was as wrathful and as beautiful as Apollo when he slew the Python. The robust frame, with its high chest and broad shoulders, supported a full face adorned with short, curly, nut-brown hair. The powerful voice, inclining at times to a lisp, was exhibited more in the issue of brief command than in conversation; for Don Gonzalo was as energetic to act as he was chary of words. The slightly bow-legged limbs indicated an early training for the saddle. Indeed, equestrian exercises were his delight, and his horse Motilla, a chestnut with a white foot and a star on the forehead, is described by Bernal Diaz as the finest he ever saw. Sandoval stands before us not only as an admirable man, but as an ideal officer, in his combined qualities of juvenile ardor and prudence, valor and humanity, modesty of disposition and purity of heart. Cortés spoke of him after his death with feelings of deepest regret, and represented him to the emperor as one of the finest soldiers in the world, fit to command armies.^[7]

In Velazquez de Leon we find another admirable officer, who possesses many traits in common with Sandoval. He is described as about four years older than that chivalrous youth, with a well formed, powerful frame, fine chest and shoulders, full face, set in a somewhat curled and carefully tended beard. He was open with the hand, ready with the sword, and an expert horseman. He bore the reputation of having killed a prominent and rich man in a duel in Española, a deed which had obliged him to seek refuge in Cuba with his relation Velazquez.

The most devoted adherent of Velazquez, although not bound to him by ties of relationship, was his ancient mayordomo mayor, Diego de Ordaz,^[8] a powerful man, of large stature, with full face, thin, dark beard, and stuttering speech. As a leader of footsoldiers, for he did not ride, he gained the reputation of possessing great daring, as well as a good head; and among comrades he ranked as a liberal man and a conversationalist. Of the other captains, Francisco de Salcedo, reputed chief butler to the admiral of Castile, bore the sobriquet of 'Dandy' from his spruce manner;^[9] and Francisco de Morla is spoken of as a valiant soldier and good horseman.^[10]

On the way over the vessels were dispersed by a squall, but were gathered by the flag-ship, some at Catoche, and some at Port San Juan, on the north end of Cozumel Island, where they all finally congregated.^[11] Quite early in the adventure Cortés was called on to spread before his unbridled associates the quality of discipline they might expect. It seems that Alvarado arrived at Cozumel Island two days before the fleet, and had begun to carry matters with rather a high hand for a subordinate. He had entered two towns, taken three persons captive, and seized some property of the natives. "Is this the way to win to our purpose barbarous peoples?" exclaimed the indignant Cortés. For failing to bring the vessel to the rendezvous at Cape San Antonio, Alvarado's pilot was placed in chains. A little later, seven sailors were flogged for theft and perjury. The captives were soothed with presents and liberated, the stolen articles restored, and with the aid of Melchor, the interpreter, the fears of the natives were assuaged.

In answer to his inquiries regarding the captive Christians, Cortés was informed that two days' journey in the interior of Yucatan bearded men had been seen by Cozumel traders, not long since, whereupon two vessels were despatched to Catoche under Ordaz, who was there to await, one week, the return of three Indian messengers, sent with presents to redeem the captives, and bearing a letter telling them where to find their countrymen.^[12]

While waiting events, Cortés landed the horses to explore and forage, and employed the otherwise unoccupied men in military exercise. The islanders were highly entertained, and thought the animals giant deer and the ships water-houses. In return they gave the strangers cause for wonderment not unmixed with wrath; for this was a sacred island, in a heathen sense, and thither, from distant parts, resorted pilgrims with offerings for sanguinary shrines. And when one feastday the priests of Baal, within their temple, arose before the people and called upon the gods of their fathers, the excited Spaniards could not contain themselves; Cortés stood forth and preached his religion to the indignant savages, but failing in the desired effect, the Spaniards rushed upon the idols, hurled them from their seats, and planted in their place the emblem of their faith.^[13]

In due time Ordaz returned without the lost Christians, greatly to the disappointment of Cortés, who desired them particularly for interpreters. The fleet then set sail, but was obliged to return, owing to the leaky condition of Escalante's vessel. While engaged upon repairs one day, the Spaniards being encamped upon the shore, a canoe was seen approaching the harbor from the mainland. Andrés de Tapia and others hastened to the landing, where presently the boat arrived, and four tawny undressed figures stepped upon the shore. One was bearded, and his form a little bent, and as he advanced before the others there was eager questioning in the piercing glance he threw about him. Presently he cried out in ill-articulated speech, "Señores, sois cristianos?" On being assured that they were, he dropped upon his knees, and with tears falling from uplifted eyes thanked God for his deliverance. Tapia saw it at a glance; this was one of the captives. Hastily stepping forward, he caught the uncouth object in his arms, raised him from the ground with a tender embrace, and conducted him to camp.^[14]. But for the beard it would have been difficult, from his outward appearance, to believe him a European. Naturally of a dark complexion, he was now bronzed by exposure, and entirely naked except for a breech-cloth and sandals. His crown was shorn, and the remaining hair braided and coiled upon the head.^[15] In his hand he carried a net containing, among other things, a greasy prayer-book. On being presented to Cortés he seemed dazed, scarcely knowing whether to call himself savage or civilized. At best he could not all at once throw himself out of the former and into the latter category; for when his Indian companions squatted themselves before the captain-general, and with the right hand, moistened by the lips, touched the ground and then the region of the heart in token of reverence, impelled by habit he found himself doing the same. Cortés was touched. Lifting him up, he threw over the naked Spaniard his own yellow mantle, lined with crimson. He asked his name, and the man said he was Gerónimo de Aguilar, ordained in minor orders, a native of Ecija, and relative of the Licenciado Marcos de Aguilar, known to Cortés in Española. He and Gonzalo Guerrero, a sailor and a native of Palos, were the sole survivors of the expedition which, nearly eight years before, had left Darien for Española, under Valdivia, whose shipwreck and horrible fate I have elsewhere detailed.^[16]

If backward at the beginning in the use of his tongue, Aguilar talked well enough when started, giving his thrilling experiences in words which filled his listeners with amazement. On escaping from the lord of Maya, who had eaten Valdivia and the others with the same relish that the Cyclops ate the companions of Ulysses, the survivors threw themselves on the mercy of a neighboring cacique called Ahkin Xooc. He with his successor, Taxmar, enslaved them, and treated them so severely that all died but himself and the sailor, Guerrero. There is a law of relativity which applies to happiness and misery, no less than to mental and physical consciousness. By ways widely different these two men had saved themselves; the former by humility and chastity, the latter by boldness and sensuality. Securing services under Nachan Kan, cacique of Chetumal, the sailor adopted the dress and manners of the people, rapidly rose in favor, became the chief captain of his master, married a woman of rank, and began to rear a dusky race; so that when the messengers of Cortés arrived he declined to be ransomed.^[17] Then blushing beneath his tawny skin the sanctified Aguilar went on to tell of his own temptations and triumphs, in which he had been as lonely as was Ethan Brand in hugging the unpardonable sin. So sublime had been his patience and his piety under the drudgery at first put upon him, that he too rose in the estimation of his master, who was led to entrust him with more important matters. For in all things pertaining to flesh and spirit he acted with so much conscientiousness that Taxmar,a stranger to those who loved virtue for its own sake, suspected the motives that inspired his captives. To test his wonderful integrity, for he had noticed that Aguilar never raised his eyes to look upon a woman, Taxmar once sent him for fish to a distant station, giving him as sole companion a beautiful girl, who had been instructed to employ all her arts to cause the Christian to break his vow of continency. Care had been taken that there should be but one hammock between them, and at night she bantered him to occupy it with her; but stopping his ears to the voice of the siren, he threw himself upon the cold, chaste sands, and passed the night in peaceful dreams beneath the songs of heaven.^[18]

Cortés smiled somewhat sceptically at this and like recitals, wherein the sentiments expressed would have done honor to Scipio Africanus; nevertheless, he was exceedingly glad to secure this man, even though he had been a little less chaste and brave and cunning than he represented himself to be. He found him not only useful but willing, for this humble holy man was a great fighter, as he had said, and was very ready to lead the Spaniards against his late master, though pledged to peace and friendliness.

Early in March^[19] the fleet again sailed, and after taking shelter from a gale behind Punta de las Mujeres for one or two days, passed round Catoche and along the Yucatan coast, hugging the shore to note its features, and sending forth a growl of revenge on passing Potonchan. Boca de Términos was now reached, whither Escobar had been sent in advance to explore, and within the entrance of a little harbor, to which a boat's crew was guided by blazings, a letter was found, hidden in a tree, from which circumstance the harbor was named Puerto Escondido. The letter reported a good harbor, surrounded by rich lands abounding in game; and soon after the fleet met the exploring vessel, and learned of the important acquisition to the expedition in Grijalva's lost dog.^[20] Off Rio de Tabasco the fleet came to anchor, and the pilots knowing the bar to be low, only the smaller vessels entered the river. Remembering the friendly reception accorded Grijalva, the Spaniards were surprised to find the banks lined with hostile bands, forbidding them to land. Cortés therefore encamped at Punta de los Palmares, on an island about half a league up the river from the mouth, and not far from the capital of the Nonohualcas, a large town of adobe and stone buildings on the opposite mainland, protected by a heavy stockade.^[21]

In answer to a demand for water, the natives thereabout pointed to the river; as for food, they would bring some on the morrow. Cortés did not like the appearance of things; and when, during the night, they began to remove their women and children from the town, he saw that his work must begin here. More men and arms were landed on the island, and Ávila was ordered to proceed to the mainland with one hundred men, gain the rear of the town, and attack at a given signal.^[22] In the morning a few canoes arrived at the island with scanty provisions, all that could be obtained, the natives said; and further than this, the Spaniards must leave: if they attempted to penetrate the interior, they would be cut off to a man. Cortés answered that his duty to the great king he served required him to examine the country and barter for supplies. Entering the vessels, he ordered them to advance toward the town; and in the presence of the royal notary, Diego de Godoy, he made a final appeal for peace, as required by Spanish law, casting upon the natives the blame for the consequences of their refusal. The reply came in the form of yells, mingled with the noise of conchs, The trumpets, and drums, and a shower of arrows. Spaniards drove their prows forward into the mud. The Indians crowded round in canoes to prevent their landing. A well directed volley at once cleared the way, and notified Ávila to attack. Panic-stricken at the strangeness and suddenness of it all, the natives fell back, but rallied at the call of their leaders, and poured a shower of arrows on the Spaniards as they threw themselves into the water to wade ashore, receiving them at the point of their lances as they reached the bank. Tabasco's men were powerful and brave. The charge of cowardice had been flung at them by their neighbors for having been friendly with the Spaniards on former occasions, and they were now determined to vindicate their character for courage. Once on solid ground the Spaniards rang their battlecry of "Sus, Santiago, á ellos!" Up, Šantiago, and at them! and drove the enemy within the stockade. A breach was quickly made, and the defenders chased some distance up the streets, where they made a stand, shouting "La, la, calachoni!" Strike at the chief! At this juncture Ávila appeared. The natives saw the day was lost to them, and they turned and fled. The Spaniards did not pursue very far, but halted in an open space, where three stately temples invited to pillage, though little was found worth taking, except some maize and fowl. During the action eighteen Indians were killed and fourteen Spaniards wounded.^[23] In the formal taking of possession which followed, it was noticed by those present that mention of the name of Velazquez was significantly omitted.^[24]

Next morning Alvarado and Francisco de Lugo, each with one hundred men, were sent by different ways to reconnoitre and forage, with orders to return before dark.^[25] Melchor, on being called to accompany one of them, was missing. Presently his clothes were discovered hanging on a tree, indicating that he had gone over to the enemy. Lugo had advanced not more than a league when, near a town called Centla, he encountered a large body of warriors, who attacked him fiercely and drove him back toward the camp. Alvarado had meanwhile been turned by an estuary from his course and in the direction of Lugo. Hearing the noise of battle he hastens to the assistance of Lugo, only to be likewise driven back by the ever increasing hosts, and not until Cortés came to the rescue with two guns did the enemy retire.^[26] The result, according to Bernal Diaz, was two of Lugo's men killed and eleven wounded, while fifteen Indians fell and three were captured.

Nor did the matter rest here. The captives told Cortés that Tabasco, concerned at the arrival of so large a fleet which augured hostile occupation, had aroused the province, the assembled chiefs being also urged by Melchor to manfully expel the invaders, as the people of Potonchan had done. To depart now would leave a stain upon the generalship of Cortés in the eyes of both Spaniards and Indians such as was not to be thought of. There must be a battle fought To this end all the horses, cross-bows, fireand won. locks, and guns were brought on shore. Thirteen of the best horsemen^[27] were selected to form a cavalry corps under the leadership of Cortés. The horses were provided with poitrels having bells attached, and the riders were to charge the thick of the enemy and strike at the face. Ordaz was made chief of infantry and artillery, the latter being in special charge of Mesa.^[28] In order both to surprise the enemy and secure good ground for the cavalry, Cortés resolved to advance at once on Centla. It was annunciation day, the 25th of March, when the army left camp and stood before Centla, in the midst of broad maize and cocoa fields, intersected by irrigation ditches. The enemy were ready, their dark forms appearing in the distance under an agitated sea of glistening iztli. The cavalry now made a detour to gain their rear, while the infantry marched straight on.^[29] Formidable as was in truth the Spanish army, the unsophisticated natives made light of it, and came gayly forward to the combat in five squadrons, of eight thousand warriors each,^[30] as Bernal Diaz says, "all in flowing plumes, with faces painted in red, white, and black, sounding drums and trumpets, and flourishing lances and shields, two-handed swords, fire-hardened darts, and slings, and every man protected by an armor of quilted cotton." They would encircle these impudlent interlopers, and did they not fall fainting beneath their brave yells and savage music, they would crush them like flies. And by way of beginning, they sent forth a cloud of arrows, stones, and charred darts, wounding many and killing one, a soldier named Saldaña. The Spaniards answered with their cross-bows and firelocks, and mowed the packed masses with their cannon. The soft soil and ditches were less to the agile Indian than to the heavily accoutred Spaniard.

It adds nothing to the honor of Spanish arms to throw in at this juncture a miracle to terrify the already half-paralyzed Indians, who might otherwise prove too strong for their steel-clad assailants; but the records compel me. While in the dire embrace of heathen hordes, midst thrust and slash and crash of steel and stone, the enemy hewn down and driven back only to give place to thrice the number, behold, upon a gray-spotted steed, a heavenly horseman appeared, and from a slight eminence overlooking the bloody field he frowned confusion on the foe. The heathen warriors were stricken powerless, enabling the Spaniards to form anew; but when the horseman vanished, the Indians rallied. Thrice, with the same effect, the awful apparition came and went.^[31] Then there were horsemen indeed, more real to the Spaniards, but none the less spectral to the Indians. They had been detained by the marshes intervening; and now, with swords and helmets glittering, they rose in the enemy's rear, and midst clang of arms and shouts of Santiago y San Pedro, they threw themselves with terrible effect upon him. What could the Indians do? Those that were not trampled or cut to death turned and fled, and the Spaniards possessed the field. "And this was the first preaching of the gospel in New Spain, by Cortés," remarks the caustic Las Casas.^[32]

The Spaniards drew up at a grove to return thanks for this great victory. A large number of the enemy were slain. Sixty of their own number were wounded, and two lay dead; eight horses had been scratched, and their wounds were cauterized and anointed with the fat of dead Indians.^[33] On returning to camp two of five captives, leading men, were sent with presents to the cacique to represent the danger of further hostility, and to propose a council of peace. Tabasco was very ready to lay down arms, and he sent a propitiatory offering of fowl, fried fish, and maize bread by messengers with blackened faces and dressed in rags. Cortés answered with a reprimand, "Tell your master, if he desires peace he must sue for it, and not send slaves." Tabasco hastened to comply, and sent immediately to Cortés an embassy of forty chiefs, richly clad and walking in stately procession, followed by a file of slaves bearing presents. Low bowing before the bearded assembly, and swinging before them the censer in token of reverence, the ambassador implored pardon, and proffered submission. "The blame is all your own," said Cortés, with severity. The Indians acquiesced, though it puzzled them to know for what they were to blame. Cortés further informed them that the great king, his master, had sent him to scatter blessings, if they were found deserving; if not, to let loose upon them the caged lightning and the thunder which he carried. Whereat the gun charged for the occasion was fired, and as the noise reverberated over the hills and the ball went crashing through the trees, the Indians fell prostrate with fear, and the noble Europeans were proud of their superiority.

Reassured against further punishment, the next trick played upon them was to tie a mare in the bushes in sight of a stallion which they paraded before their visitors; and when he neighed and reared and plunged to get to his mate, the natives were told that the great beast was angry because of the peace that was being made, and only further gifts would pacify him. On the following morning Tabasco presented himself in person, attended by a large retinue, and bringing presents, among which were some gold ornaments of little value and twenty female slaves. The terms dictated by Cortés were that they should return their women and children to the village within two days, in token of their good faith, and that the treacherous Melchor should be delivered up. But the unfortunate interpreter had already suffered death in return for his bad advice. It was useless to demand gold, for there was little or none here. So they proceeded at once to expound the doctrines of their faith; to lay before them the truths of the gospel which they had come so far to bring. An altar was erected in the chief temple on which was placed a large cross. From this altar Father Olmedo preached to the natives, and here were baptized the first converts to the church in New Spain, consisting of the twenty female slaves, who were afterward distributed among the leaders. Then followed the ceremonial tender of allegiance by the chiefs of Tabasco's province to the Spanish king, and the formal naming of the large town, which was called Santa María de la Victoria, in commemoration of the victory.^[34]

Palm Sunday being at hand, it was resolved to celebrate it in such a manner as to further impress the natives. Attired in their most brightly colored garments, with palms in their hands and banners aloft, the Spaniards marched in solemn procession, to harmonious chants, about the temple; and when these doughty men of war humbled themselves before the symbols.of their faith, the wondering heathen thought that great indeed must be the god worshipped by such beings. After commending the sacred emblems to the care of the chiefs, with a promise to send holy men to teach them the true faith, and with assurances of royal protection, the Spaniards bade the Nonohualcas farewell, and were shortly on their way again.

Keeping close to the shore for purposes of observation, the several places observed and named by Grijalva were pointed out to Cortés and commented upon by those who had accompanied the former expedition. Certain of the new captains took umbrage at this assumption of superior knowledge, accompanied by liberal proffers of advice; and one of them, the polished Puertocarrero, broke out in a strain of pleasant sarcasm. "It seems to me, señor," he said, taking the incidents of a well-known romance for his text, "as if these gentlemen would enlighten you, in the words the father of Montesinos:

Behold France, Montesinos;
Behold Paris, the city;
Behold the waters of Douro,
Where they fall into the sea!

Now I would humbly suggest that your worship yourself should seek out rich lands and learn to govern them wisely." Catching the significance of the words, Cortés replied: "Let God only grant success to our arms, as he did to Paladin Roldan, and with such gentlemen as yourself to aid me I shall well know what to do."

Gliding past islas Blanca and Verde, the fleet anchored behind San Juan de Ulua late on Thursday in passion week.

 

 

1. 'Qustando. . . .en la cibdad de Sto Domingo vibiendo con el Almirante. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, pp. xi. 61; Juarros, Guat., i. 252.
2. Todos hermanos, que fue el Capitan Pedro de Aluarado, y Gonçalo de Aluarado, y Jorge de Aluarado, y Gonçalo [Alonzo] y Gomez, è Juan de Alvarado el viejo, que era bastardo.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 14.
3. See Native Races, iii. 109 and 183. 'Biondo.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 8. Elaborating this, Brasseur de Bourbourg says, 'Aux cheveux blonds et coloré de visage, ce qui lui fit donner par les Tlaxcaltèques le surnom de Tonatiuh.' Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 53. But the authority for calling him blonde is not mentioned. It may rest on mere tradition. A Mexican picture gives him dark beard and a yellow helmet or head-dress, the same colors being given to the beard and head-dress of figures representing the Spanish troops. Ramirez is rather inclined to doubt the authenticity of the portrait so frequently copied from Cortina's copper-plates, representing him as of dark complexion, with long, meagre, pointed face, very high forehead, stubbed hair, mustache, and imperial. Ramirez, Proceso contra Alvarado, pp. xi. xxii. 277-82, with plates. Prescott's Mex. (Mex. 1844), i. 458; Id. (Gondra ed.), iii. 220; 'Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 340, 686, with signature. A wood-cut in Armin, Alte Mex., 222, presents a much younger man, with a round, handsome face, curled hair, and full, curled beard. This corresponds more to the description given in the text, but the authority is not indicated. Zamacois, Hist. Mej., ii. 484, gives a full-length portrait corresponding to this.
4. Helps, Cortés, ii. 163, compares him to Murat, Cortés being the Napoleon. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 15, 240, 245.
5. Montejo, Memorial al Emp., 1545, in Cent. Amer., 1545-55, MS. 130. 'Fué uno de aquellos mílites que passaron á estas partes . . . mill é quinientos y catorçe, é aquel mesmo año . . . fuésse de la Tierra-Firma . . . é passóse á la isla de Cuba.' Oviedo, iii. 217.
6. See Hist. Cent. Am., this series, i., 524-32. 'Era estremado varon, mas no era para mandar, sino para ser mãdado, y era de edad de treinta y seis años, natural de cerca de Baezad Linares . . . . Tenia otras buenas codiciones, de ser franco.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 177. 'Era vn Hector en el esfuerço, para combatir persona por persona.' Id., 240. Natural que fue de Vbeda ò de Linares.' Id., 241 'Da Baeza nell' Andaluzia. Era membruto, ombroso, e doppio.' Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 8. 'D'une laideur extrême; sa duplicité et sa fourberie le rendaient un homme peu sur,' says Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 53, with his not unusual hasty elaboration. Portrait in Prescott's Mex. (Mex. 1844), i. 421; also in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iv. 254.
7. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240, 246; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 8; Portrait and signature in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 254, 686. Portrait in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 485, and in Armin, Alte Mex., 217.
8. Also written Ordás. 'Natural de tierra de Campos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 246. Portrait in Carbajal Espinosa, Hist. Mex., ii. 192.
9. 'Saucedo, natural de Medina de Rioseco; y porque era muy pulído, le llamavamos, el galan.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240. This captain joins later.
10. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 240–7, gives a long list of notices of members of the expedition, many of whom will receive attention during the course of the narrative.
11. San Juan, Ante Portam Latinam. See also Carta de Ayunt. de V'era Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 9. Several authors, following Gomara, it seems, refer to one vessel as missing, but as this is identified with Escobar's, sent, according to Bernal Diaz, on a special exploring expedition to Laguna de Términos, the view of the latter author is probably more correct. It is not likely that a captain would have sailed so far beyond the rendezvous, and there waited for weeks the chance arrival of the fleet. In Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 557, are references yet more vague to a missing vessel. During the gale Morla's vessel was struck by a wave, which unshipped her rudder. His signal of distress caused the flag-ship to heave to till daybreak. The rudder was then discovered floating close by, and tying a rope to his body, Morla leaped into the sea to aid in replacing it. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 16; Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 458.
12. The letter, as given in Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 17, and Gomara, Hist. Mex., 19, differs somewhat in tenor, and the former assigns eight days, the latter six, as the time Ordaz was to wait. Gomara writes further that the Indians were at first afraid to venture on such an errand into the interior, but the large reward overcame their fears, and they were carried to the cape in Escalante's vessel, escorted by Ordaz in two other craft manned by fifty men. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 20, thinks there could be no danger for messengers. 'Escondieron [the letter] a vno entre los cabellos, que trahian largos y trenzados, rebueltos, a la cabeça: y embiò los dos nauios de menos porte . . . . con veynte ballesteros, y escopeteros . . . . y que el menor boluiesse a dar cuenta de lo que auian hecho.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vi.; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi. Envió un bergantin é cuatro bateles . . . . que esperarien cinco dias, é no mas.' Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 556. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 459, states that the cacique of Cozumel, eager to communicate freely with Cortés, sent messengers to the lord owning one of the captives, and asked him to sell or lend the man. Cortés at first proposed to rescue the captive with an armed force, but the cacique suggested a ransom as more effective. Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 76; Landa, Rel. de Yuc., 24-6.
13. Two carpenters, Alonso Yañez and Álvaro Lopez, claim the honor of having raised the first cross for the church in New Spain. To this the natives made no great objection, the cross having already with them a religious significance; and surely the sanctified effigy of the benign Mary was a more beautiful object to look upon than their idols. See Native Races, iii. 468-70. In one of the temples 'auia vna cruz de cal tan alta como diez palmos.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 24. Las Casas objects to the compulsory mode of conversion used by Cortés and his holy company, and devotes a long paragraph to depicting the folly and evil thereof. Hist. Ind., iv. 460-2, 470. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18, describes the idolatrous rite, and Prescott, Mex., i. 269-71, speaks of Cortés as a reformer.
14. This is the substance of Tapia's own account. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 556-7. Others differ somewhat in the number of Indians who arrive in the canoe, in the mode of addressing Tapia, and other points. According to Bernal Diaz, Hıst. Verdad., 19, some soldiers out hunting report the approach of the canoe, whereupon Cortés sends Tapia to ascertain its object. Seven Indians of Cozumel land, and, on seeing the Spaniards advance, are about to flee in alarm, but one of them reassures the rest, and calls out, 'Dios, y Santa María, y Sevilla.' While he is embraced by Tapia, a soldier rushes to announce the news to Cortés. According to Gomara, Hist. Mex., 20, it is meal-time and first Sunday in Lent when the news of a canoe with four Indians is brought. The fleet had been prevented by a storm from sailing on the previous day.
15. This was a common form of Maya hair-dress. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 19, and some others describe him as shorn like a slave; but this man appears to have risen from that condition. He gives him an extra pair of sandals, hanging at the waist, a dilapidated mantle or cloth-called a net by Herrera wherein is tied a thumbed prayer-book, and upon the shoulder he places an oar. This oar is brought into camp by almost every writer, regardless of the fact that it did not belong to him and could no longer be of use. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 20, gives him bow and arrows. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 461, remarks that in the prayer-book was kept an account of time, which marked this day as a Wednesday, while it really was Sunday.
16. See Hist. Cent. Am., i. 350, this series.
17. Aguilar intimated another reason why Guerrero remained, that he had taken part in the fights against Córdoba and Grijalva at Potonchan, which is very doubtful. Then it is said that his face was tattooed and his lips turned down, and when Aguilar besought him to go the children clung to him, and the wife first begged, and then threatened, to make Aguilar desist. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 23; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18-19; Torquemada, i. 370.
18. This is in substance the adventures of Aguilar, as related at length in Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. vii.-viii., followed by Torquemada, i. 370-72, and Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 24-9, and prettily, though hastily, elaborated in Irving's Columbus, iii. 290-301, and other modern writers. On reaching Catoche and finding Ordaz gone, he proceeded to Cozumel, in the hope of finding some of the Spaniards. 'Era Aguilar estudiante quando passò a las Indias, y hombre discreto, y por esto se puede creer qualquiera cosa del,' concludes Herrera, as if suspecting that the version may be questioned. Prudence is shown in the care with which he gradually accustomed himself to the change of food and habits on again joining the Spaniards. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vi., relates that Aguilar's mother became insane on hearing that her son had fallen among cannibals-who brought her the news it is hard to guess-and whenever she beheld flesh roasting, loud became the laments for his sad fate. This is repeated in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 22; Martinez, Hist. Nat. Nueva Esp., ii. xxiv. Herrera, who cannot avoid mixing in all the romance possible, makes him search for means to cross the strait. He finds at last a leaky canoe half buried in the sand, and in this frail skiff he and the Indian companion presented by his late master managed to gain the island. Others give him Cortés' messengers for companions. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 18, very reasonably permits him to hire a canoe with six rowers, for he has beads to pay for it, and canoes would not be wanting, since the island was a resort for pilgrims, particularly at this very time. Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 175-76, fails not to recognize, in the compulsory return of the fleet to Cozumel, and in the finding of Aguilar, the hand of God; and Torquemada, i. 370, eagerly elaborates the miraculous features in the appearance of this Aaron, who is to be the mouth-piece of his Moses.
19. Bernal Diaz says the 4th, which is rather close reckoning, according to his own account, for two days are required to reach Cozumel from Cape San Antonio, nine days are consumed by Ordaz in waiting for the captives, and four days for repairing Escalante's leaky vessel. This alone brings us from February 18th, the date of leaving Cape San Antonio, to March 5th, without counting a probable day or two for preparing, starting, and returning.
20. A greyhound bitch, really of great service to the hunters. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20, starts Escobar from Punta de las Mujeres. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., Pt. iii. 112. Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 29, while adopting on hearsay the more general supposition that a missing vessel is found here, follows Diaz in the account of the exploring vessel. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 25-6, and Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi., evidently attributes the name Escondido to the finding of the missing vessel.
21. Mille quingentorum passuum, ait Alaminus nauclerus, et domorum quinque ac viginti millium . . . . egregie lapidibus et calce fabrefectæ.' Peter Martyr, De Insvlis, 14. 'A poco mas de media legua que subian por el, (river) vieron vn gran pueblo con las casas de adoues y los tejados de paja, el qual estaua cercado de madera, con bien gruessa pared y almenas, y troneras para flechar.' Halls and temples are also referred to: Mas no tiene vegente y cinco mil casas.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 26-37. 'Punta de los Palmares [where Grijalva also camped], que estava del pueblo de Tabasco otro media logua.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20. Montanus, Nieuwe Weereld, 77, follows Gomara and Martyr, in calling the pueblo Potonchan; so does Helps, Span. Con., ii. 260-4, who frequently reveals the superficiality of his researches. Brasseur de Bourbourg calls it Centla. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 58. The stockade defences are described in detail in Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 93-4.
22. 'Mandò poner en cada vn batel tres tiros.' Ávila received one hundred soldiers, including ten cross-bowmen, and took a route leading across creeks and marshes to the rear of the pueblo. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20. "Señalo Cortés dos capitanes con cada cienticinquento Españoles. Que fueron Alonso di Auila, y Pedro de Aluarado.' A ford was found half a league above the camp. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 27; Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., sends onc hundred and fifty men by different routes. The testimony favors the supposition that Ávila forded the river.
23. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 20, estimates that twelve thousand warriors defended the town. He himself received a wound in the thigh. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 29, leaves only four hundred in charge of the place. Peter Martyr, dec. iv. cap. vii., allows the horses to share in the battle, and places the warriors at four thousand. Las Casas, Hist. Ind., iv. 474, exaggerates, of course, the Spanish excesses, but without giving definite statements.
24. Intētaba hacer lo que despues hizo,' says Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 112, in reference to the later effected independence of Velazquez. The mode of taking possession is thus described: Advancing with drawn sword and shield to a large ceiba-tree in the court-yard, Cortés struck it three times, and announced that he took possession for the king, and would defend his right against all comers. The soldiers thereupon shouted their approval, declaring that they would sustain their captain in his challenge. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 21. Zamacois compares this form with others used elsewhere. Hist. Méj., x. 988.
25. The Carta del Ayunt. de Vera Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 15, refers to a certain intercourse held with natives; on the third day the exploring parties start. This intercourse is spoken of by Gomara, Hist. Mex., 30, as the visit of twenty leading men to promise food and presents, but really to spy. The Spaniards were encouraged to enter the interior to barter food. Torquemada, i. 374; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 21. Alvarado, Ávila, and Sandoval are sent, each with eighty Spaniards and some Cuban carriers, to explore by three routes, and to get supplies for payment only. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 31; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi. Three parties sent out. Tapia, Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 559. Four captains sent, with over two hundred men. Carta Ayunt., loc. cit.
26. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 31, states that one of the captains took refuge in a building in Centla town, and was there joined by the other two. All three now retreat to camp, whither two fleet Cubans run for aid. Herrera, Torquemada, and Brasseur de Bourbourg follow him. Before Cortés set out, says Cogolludo, Hist. Yucathan, 32, he had repelled an attack on his own camp.
27. 'Sénalo treze de acauallo,' who are named as Olid, Alvarado, Puertocarrero, Escalante, Montejo, Ávila, Velazquez de Leon, Morla, Láres the good horseman to distinguish him from another Láres, Gonzalo Dominguez, Moron of Bazamo, and Pedro Gonzalez of Trujillo, Cortés being the thirteenth. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 22; Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 106, says fifteen horses, but in the Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz, in Cortés, Cartas, 16, the number decreases to ten.
28. Gomara says the force mustered 500 men, 13 horses and 6 guns; Herrera, 400 men and 12 horses. The alférez was Antonio de Villaroel.
29. This was a favorite movement of Cortés, and as such Tapia and the Carta del Ayunt. de V. Cruz accept it, while Bernal Diaz and most writers state that the swampy ground required a circuit.
30. An estimate based probably upon the strength of the regular Aztec Xiquipilli, with which the conquerors were soon to become acquainted. See Native Races, ii. 425. Tapia even raises the number to six squadrons. Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 560.
31. Cortés, on coming up and being told of this, shouted, Onward, companions! God is with us!' Relacion, in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 559-60. Gomara, who fervently adopts the story, states that the rider was one of the apostles, in the person of Morla. "Todos dixeron, que vieron por tres vezes al del cauallo rucio picado . . . . y que era Santiago nuestro patron. Fernando Cortés mas queria que fuessesan Pedro, su especial auogado . . . . aun tambien los Indios lo notaron . . . . De los prisioneros que se tomaro se supo esto.' Hist. Mex., 32-3. Pizarro y Orellana, Varones Ilvstres, 72-3, gives arguments to show that it could have been none other than Santiago, as the patron of Spaniards. After a struggle with his pious fears, Bernal Diaz ventures to observe that Gomara may be right, but I, unworthy sinner, was not graced to see either of those glorious apostles.' Testimony was taken about the battle, and had this occurred it would have been spoken of. I say that our victory was by the hand of our Lord Jesus Christ, for in that battle the Indians were so numerous that they could have buried us with handfuls of earth. Hist. Verdad., 22-3. Las Casas scouts the story as a fabrication of Cortés, written down by 'his servant Gomara,' in 'his false history.' Hist. Ind., iv. 477.
32. The bishop forgets the sermon before the idols cast down at Cozumel.
33. Two Spaniards fell, and over 800 Indians lay dead, so said their countrymen. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 22-3. Over 70 Spaniards were wounded, and more than 300 Indians were slain in the pursuit alone. Over 100 men fell sick from heat and bad water, but all recovered. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 33. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. iv. cap. xi., allows no killed among the Spaniards, while over 1000 Indians are laid low. Torquemada, i, 375. Three Spaniards are killed and 60 wounded. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 113. The Ayuntamiento of Vera Cruz, in its letter to the Emperor, 10 July, 1519, for obvious reasons lowers the figures to twenty wounded Spaniards, of whom none died, and to 220 dead Indians, out of 40,000 engaged. Cortés, Cartas, 17. Finally comes Las Casas with the other extreme of 30,000 souls, said to have been cruelly slaughtered in this first great battle of Cortés. Hist. Ind., iv. 477. Quite a list of misdeeds are here raked up, or invented rather, against the Spaniards in the West-Indische Spieghel, Amsterdam, 1624, a curious little quarto, designed for Dutch traders in America, and dedicated to their West Îndia Company. The author is called Athanasium Inga. 'Peruaen, uyt Cusco gheboren, die dit alles, soo door onder vindinghe als door transpositie en oversettinghe sijnder Voor-Ouderen, hier te Lande ons overghedraghen heeft, says Wachter, in the preface. The volume opens with a lengthy description of the Antilles, but the remaining text is wholly devoted to the Spanish colonies on the main, mingled without order, and interspersed with special chapters on navigation and coast routes for the benefit of traders. Beside the usual description of physical and political geography, with particular reference to natural resources and aboriginal customs, several voyages are described, mainly to point out sailing directions and the progress of discovery, while the conquest period is told with some minuteness, but garbled with the idea of exposing the avarice and cruelty of the hated Spaniards. This is also the object of nearly all the neatly engraved copper-plates.The map extends Hudson Bay very close to the Pacific coast, where a faintly outlined strait is visible some distance above California Island. The part relating to Mexico, including some brief references to Central America, occupies about one third of the volume, and treats chiefly of the Conquest. The book is remarkable for its black-letter text, with marginals in the same type, and for its title-page, with the figures of 'Montenchuma' and 'Atabaliba' surrounded by battle-scenes and Indian industrial operations.
34. Y pusose nombre a aquel pueblo, Santa Maria de la Vitoria, è assi se llama agora la villa de Tabasco.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 24. 'Potanchanum dicitur ab accolis oppidum . . . . Victoriam nostri appellarunt.' Peter Martyr, De Insvlis, 14; copied in Gomara, Hist. Mex., 36. Referring to the hattle of Centla, Clavigero writes: 'e per memoria vi fondarono poi una piccola città col nome della Malonna della Vittoria, la quale su per lungo tempo la capitale di quella Provincia . . . . Si spopolò del tutto verso la metà del secolo passato.' A later foundation received the name of Villahermosa. Storia, Mess., iii. 11. This is based on a statement by Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 22, and to reconcile this with the note above, it must be supposed that the Nonohualca capital was removed to the site of the battle-field when the Spaniards settled. Other authors either confound the points or avoid them by a vague reference. Victoria was founded by Cortés in 1519. Alcedo, Dic., v. 305. It is strange that the chief town is not referred to under its native name, for Potonchan is evidently a mistake by Peter Martyr.