History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 1/Chapter 9

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER IX.

THE MIGHTY PROJECT IS CONCEIVED.

May, 1519.

Serious Dilemma of Cortés—Authority without Law—Montejo Sent Northward—Recommends another Anchorage—Dissensions At Vera Cruz—Prompt and Shrewd Action of Cortés—A Municipality Organized—Cortés Resigns—And is Chosen Leader by the Municipality—Velazquez' Captains Intimate Rebellion—Cortés promptly Arrests Several of them—Then he Conciliates Them All—Important Embassy from Cempoala—The Veil Lifted—The March to Cempoala—What was Done there—Quiahuiztlan—The Coming of the Tribute Gatherers—How They were Treated—Grand Alliance.

At this point in his career Hernan Cortés found himself less master of the situation than suited him. The color of his command was not sufficiently pronounced. He had no authority to settle; he had no authority to conquer; he might only discover and trade. He did not care for Velazquez; anything that pertained to Velazquez he was prepared to take. But Velazquez had no legal power to authorize him further. Cortés cared little for the authorities at Española; the king was his chief dependence; the king to whose favor his right arm and mother wit should pave the way. Some signal service, in the eyes of the monarch, might atone for slight irregularities; if he failed, the severest punishments were already come. But where was the service? Had Montezuma granted him an interview, he might make report of that, and find listeners. As it was, he could land and slay a few thousand natives, but his men would waste away and no benefits accrue. Nevertheless, if he could plant himself somewhat more firmly on this soil than his commission seemed to justify,chance might offer opportunity, and the signal service find achievement. Such were the thoughts that just now filled his sagacious brain, but the way was by no means clear before him.

 

While the events narrated in the preceding chapter were in progress, Montejo, with two vessels, had been sent northward to seek a harbor less unwholesome than the present, where many of those wounded at Tabasco had died.^[1] As second in command went Rodrigo Álvarez Chico, and as pilots, Alaminos, and Álvarez el Manquillo. On reaching the extreme point attained by Grijalva, the strong current prevented further advance, as in the former attempt.^[2] They were obliged by a gale to throw overboard part of their cargo. Water failed, and in the attempt to land an artilleryman perished. Prayer was now their only recourse, and this not only changed the wind, but brought rain. After a fortnight of misadventures^[3] they returned to San Juan de Ulua, and hastened bareheaded to the cross to offer thanks. More wholesome airs were not difficult to find, but good harbors were not abundant thereabout. The only favorable spot found by Montejo lay some ten leagues north of the camp, close to the native fortress of Quiahuiztlan.^[4] A high rock affording shelter from north winds gave the place some resemblance to the Spanish harbor of Bernal, which name was accordingly applied to it. Extending inland were green fields fringed with fine timber, and supplied with creeks of good water.^[5]

The fifty men comprising the expedition of Montejo had been picked from the adherents of Velazquez, in order that by weakening this faction Cortés might be allowed to develop his plans. For the army was slowly but surely drifting into division, as we have so often found in adventures of this kind, and the Velazquez party comprised all who desired immediately to return. In this clique were many wealthy and influential men who cared no more for Velazquez than for Cortés, but who had possessions in Cuba, and were becoming impatient to return to them. Nor was there much difficulty in giving form to discontent. There were grave suspicions afloat as to the loyalty of the commander; but these, which assuredly were more conspicuous in Cuba than here, were of little moment when they harmonized with the wishes of the men.

What stupidity in forming camp amidst such malaria, and in so early making enemies of the people. It was evident, so they argued, that the commander intended to sacrifice the company to his ambition.

The action of Cortés here as elsewhere marks the great man, the man of genius, the born master of men, and rightfully places him beside the Cæsars and the Napoleons of the world. The commander wished to remain. All his fortune, all the fortunes of his friends were staked on this adventure, and he would rather die than return unsuccessful. Little hope there would be of his obtaining command again; he would not return, neither would he just at present die. In desperate cases spirited counsels and spirited actions are usually safest.

Calling to him his most trusty followers, Puertocarrero, Ålvarado and his brothers, Ávila, Olid, Escalante, and Francisco Lugo, he laid the situation fairly before them. Shortly after these captains were out among the men, holding forth to them privately on the wealth of the country, the ease and glory of conquest, and the prospect of repartimientos. Where was the benefit of returning to Cuba? Surely they might as well hold the country for themselves as to abandon it and let others step into their places. It would be much easier to increase the present force by adding to it than to raise a new army better appointed or larger than this. Nor did they forget the argument of religion, which, however hollow in practice, was weighty enough in theory. "Elect therefore to remain," they said in conclusion; "and choose the able and generous Cortés for your general and justicia mayor till the emperor decides in the matter.^[6]

The opposition was by no means ignorant of these manœuvres, and Ordaz was commissioned to remonstrate with Cortés. He dwelt on the danger of present colonization, denounced any attempt to ignore Velazquez, and insisted on instant return. Suppressing the anger naturally arising from these insinuations, true as they were, Cortés disavowed any intention of exceeding the instructions of his commission. For himself he preferred to remain, as, among other reasons, the only means of reimbursing himself for his heavy expenditures. If, however, it was the will of the army to return, he would yield. A few hours later appeared an order to embark the following day for Cuba. This, as was intended, brought public feeling to a crisis. All saw their golden hopes suddenly dashed to the ground, their visions of honors and repartimientos dispelled; even the men so lately clamorous to return were not prepared to find their request so readily granted. Would it not be well to think further of the matter, and perhaps devise a plan to cover the emergency? After noisy discussion the soldiers appeared in force before the captain-general and demanded the revocation of the order. They had left Cuba with the declared understanding that a colony was to be planted, and now they were informed that Velazquez had given no authority to settle. And if he had not, were not the interests of God and the king paramount to the order of any governor? And did not this same Velazquez defame Grijalva for not disobeying instructions in this very regard? With no small satisfaction Cortés saw that he was safe; then urging calm deliberation he graciously promised delay,^[7] which was employed first of all in impressing on their minds how indispensable he was to their success.

Finally before the assembled army the captain-general appeared and said: That he had invested his whole fortune in the fleet, and controlled it; yet he was willing to subordinate his individual interest to that of the whole. He had given the order to return because he understood such to be the will of the majority. As this was not the case, he would gladly remain; for God who had ever been with them was now disclosing such a field of wealth and glory as had never before been offered to Spaniard. Yet, if any wished to return, let them freely speak, and a vessel would be at their disposal. What magic power ruled, that, when the disaffected majority were thus given their way, every mouth was dumb, and the commander remained more potent than ever?

A colony being thus decided on, the founding ceremony was performed by the quasi laying out of a town, the planting a pillory in the plaza, and a gallows at some distance outside,^[8] though strictly speaking, the town was not properly located or laid out till afterward. Referring to the treasures here obtained, and to the day of landing, the new town was called Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz.^[9] Cortés, as commander, appointed the municipal officers,^[10] naming for alcaldes Puertocarrero and Montejo, a judicious selection, both for his own interests and as likely to meet general approval. And here again is displayed the subtle policy of Cortés, who to this important position nominates but one from among his own faction, Montejo being for Velazquez. Thus of an opponent he made an adherent, conciliating at the same time the entire Velazquez party.^[11] The regidores were Alonso de Ávila, Pedro and Alonso de Alvarado, and Gonzalo de Sandoval; procurador general, Francisco Álvarez Chico; alguacil mayor, Juan de Escalante; escribano, Diego de Godoy. Beside these were appointed, in the interests of the military department, as capitan de entradas, Pedro de Alvarado; maestre de campo, Cristóbal de Olid; alférez, Corral; alguaciles de real, Ochoa and Romero; tesorero, Gonzalo Mejía; contador, Alonso de Ávila.^[12] Nearly all these men were devoted to Cortés, and were therefore a powerful point ď'appui for his project.

Thus far all was well. The men of Velazquez and the men of Cortés, Spaniards all, for the same God and the same king, had of their own volition determined here to plant a Spanish settlement, and had so planted it. By virtue of his office, and in the absence of any higher authority, the captain-general had chosen temporary officers for the new commonwealth. This was all. These men had elected to transform the army into a civil society, for temporary or permanent purposes as the case might be; and they had done so. But about their leader? What position did he occupy? A general without an army, de facto at the head of affairs, but by no legal right. Let him cut his own knot.

 

Hat in hand, before the new municipality, Cortés appeared and surrendered his commission. Authority, chief and absolute, was now vested alone in the ayuntamiento. Then with the modesty of Cincinnatus he retired.

It was then in order, on the part of the municipality, to choose a chief ruler and representàtive of royal authority. This could be done by the council alone, though in this instance, for obvious reasons, it would be better to secure the appointment by popular vote. Cortés felt safe enough either way. A glowing eulogy delivered by a fluent speaker was followed by such noisy demonstrations that the opposition found no opportunity to express their opinion.^[13] The

following day a committee was sent to apprise Cortés of his election,^[14] in the name of their Catholic Highnesses, to the offices of captain-general, and of justicia mayor of the town. On appearing before the council to take the oath, the alcalde addressed Cortés, giving as reason for the appointıment his loyalty, his worth, and his talents. The commission which was then given granted him one fifth of all treasure acquired by trade or conquest, after deducting the royal fifth. This was in consideration chiefly for his services as leader.^[15] Exitus acta probat. Las Casas insists that, since Cortés had no authority to form a settlement, his appointment of an ayuntamiento was illegal, and consequently their election of him. No one supposed for a moment, least of all Cortés, that these proceedings were regular. They were but make-believe legal. But in following Gomara's version Las Casas failed to understand that the appointment was conferred by the popular majority in the name of the king, which though not strictly legal threw over all the color of law. Beside, with consummate skill Cortés made it appear that the expedition obliged him to act as he did; and if these manœuvres did not legalize the transaction, they were the means of weaving a strong bond between the men and their leader, such as King Charles and all his ordinance-makers never could have created. Cortés was no longer the chief of Velazquez' expedition, but the leader of the Vera Cruz militia, as the army might now be termed, and removable only by the power that placed him there, or by the emperor.^[16]

Although opposition was now in vain, the adherents of Velazquez loudly denounced the whole affair, called it a conspiracy and a cheat, and refused to acknowledge Cortés as their leader. So abusive did they become that open rupture was imminent. The leaders of this faction were Velazquez de Leon, Ordaz, Escobar, Pedro Escudero, Morla, and the

priest Juan Diaz. Seeing the necessity of prompt action, Cortes seized the first two, with a few others, and sent them on shipboard in irons, while Alvarado went a-foraging with a hundred men, chiefly adherents of the disaffected leaders.^[17] They found a fertile country, and several small towns. The inhabitants fled at their approach, leaving signs of recent human sacrifices in the temple. In one building, with pyramidal foundation several feet in height, were found a number of fine rooms, some filled with grain, beans, honey, and other provisions; others with cotton fabrics and feathers, adorned in instances with gold and silver. In obedience to strict orders nothing was touched save food. The report brought back of the beauty of the country, together with the ample supplies obtained, tended toward harmony; and while the soldiers were thus easily reconciled to the new order of things, Cortes with his usual tact won over nearly all his adversaries. Some he bribed, some he flattered; others were allured with hopes of preferment. Most remarkable was it that with such fire in his veins, he could so control it; for however treacherous Cortes knew them to be, seldom a sign escaped him that he suspected them-. Even the imprisoned officers yielded to his persuasive power, aided as it was by irons, and soon were ranked among his devoted sustainers.^[18]

And now came to pass an event such as the gods not unfrequently fling their favorites, which was materially to brighten the prospects of the Spaniards. While preparing their removal to a new harbor, and shortly after the Mexican withdrawal from intercourse, Bernal Diaz brought in from his outpost five Indians, different in dress and features from any hitherto seen. Among other peculiarities were large gold rings, set with stones, in their perforated ears, nose, and lower lip. Two of them, who spoke Mexican, explained the purport of their visit. The deeds of the Spaniards having reached the ears of their master, the lord of Cempoala, in the Totonac country, they had been sent to see these valiant beings, and invite them to their city a few leagues distant.^[19] Questionings revealed that the Totonacs were a subjected nation, languishing like others under the oppressive yoke of the Aztecs, and only too ready to welcome deliverance.

It must be remembered that Cortés and his companions were wholly in the dark as to the power and positions of the interior nations. Now for the first time a little light was shed on the subject. It appeared that the mighty monarch, with whom took place the late interchange of courtesies, had enemies who, if not as powerful as himself, were still strong, and in spirit, at least, unsubdued. Might not this adverse influence be utilized and joined to other adverse influences for the humbling of the great interior power? Possibly Montezuma might grant Cortés audience under circumstances yet to be. Thus the plan of the conquest was conceived. The messengers were dismissed with presents and the assurance of a speedy visit.^[20]

According to Ixtlilxochitl, the first revelation of Aztec weakness was made by his ancestor and namesake, the king of northern Acolhuacan.^[21] Fearing the power and treachery of Montezuma and his allies, and hating the Aztecs with a perfect hatred, this prince had hailed with joy the arrival of the Spaniards, and had gloated over the terror with which their presence would inspire the emperor. The prospect of gaining an ally who might aid his own ambitious plans for supremacy, and for Mexican humiliation, impelled him to send an embassy to Cortés with rich presents, and with instructions to explain to the strangers the prevailing disaffection, the ease with which the Aztecs might be overthrown, and the rare spoils that would accrue to the conquerors. The interview with Cortés is placed at about the same time as the Totonac visit, and Ixtlilxochitl is said to have received the most friendly assurances from Cortés.^[22] Be that as it may, here was an incident which should crush all cavillings.

 

As well to examine the country as to inure the troops to whatever experience should be theirs on this strange shore, Cortés with about four hundred men and two light guns proceeded by land to Cempoala, while the fleet with the heavy camp material and the remainder of the expedition coasted farther northward to Quiahuiztlan.

Burning overhead was the sun; burning underfoot were the sands; while on the one side was the tantalizing sea, and on' the other the tantalizing wood, both inviting by their cool refreshing airs. Behind the dark-fringed forests rose old Orizaba,^[23] laughing at their distress beneath its cap of snow, and wondering why mortals so superior should choose the deadly tierra caliente country for their promenade, when gentle, genial Anáhuac lay so near. But presently the senses quickened to the aroma of vegetation; soft swards and cultivated fields spread before them their living green, and the moist, murmuring wood anon threw over them its grateful shade. If beside grave thoughts on the stupendous matters then under consideration, might find place such trifles of God's creation as birds of brilliant plumage and of sweet song, they were there in myriads to charm the eye and ear; game to fill the stomach, though not so satisfying as gold, always commanded attention, and was also plentiful.^[24] Through all, dispensing life and beauty on every side, flowed the Rio de la Antigua, where a few years later rose old Vera Cruz.^[25]

Crossing this stream with the aid of rafts and shaky canoes, the army quartered on the opposite bank, in one of the towns there, which was destitute alike of food and people, but which displayed the usual ghastly indications of recent human sacrifice. The next morning they followed the river westward, and soon after met a party of twelve Totonacs, who had been sent by the Cempoalan ruler with presents of food. By them the Spaniards were guided northward to a hamlet where a bountiful supper was provided.^[26] While marching the next day, with scouts depłoyed as usual to guard against ambuscades, they emerged from a dense tropical forest into the midst of gardens and orchards, and by a sudden turn in the road the bright buildings of Cempoala stood forth to view.

Just then twenty nobles appeared and offered welcome. They were followed by slaves, and instantly the travel-worn army was revelling in fruits and flowers. What more beautiful reception could have been given? yet the Spaniards would have preferred a shower of gold. To Cortés were given bouquets; a garland, chiefly of roses, was flung around his neck, and a wreath placed upon his helmet. Species of pineapples and cherries, juicy zapotes, and aromatic anones were distributed to the men without stint. Almost the entire populace of the city, some twentyfive thousand,^[27] staring their wonderment with open eyes and mouth, thronged either side of the way along which marched the army in battle array, headed by the cavalry. Never before had the Spaniards seen so beautiful an American city. Cortés called it Seville, a name which Spaniards frequently applied to any place that pleased them, as we have seen, while the soldiers, charmed with its floral wealth and beauty, termed it Villaviciosa, and declared it a terrestrial paradise. One of the cavalry scouts, on first beholding the freshly stuccoed walls gleaming in the sun, came galloping back with the intelligence that the houses were silver-plated. It was indeed an important place, holding a large daily market. A central plaza was inclosed by imposing temples and palaces, resting on pyramidal foundations, lined with apartments and surmounted by towers, and around clustered neat dwellings with whitened adobe walls embowered in foliage. Statelier edifices of masonry, some having several court-yards, rose here and there, while in every direction spread an extensive suburb of mud huts with the never failing palm-leaf roof. Yet even the humblest abodes were smothered in flowers.^[28] The people also, as we might expect by their surroundings, were of a superior order, well formed, of intelligent aspect, clothed in neat white and colored cotton robes and mantles, the nobles being adorned with golden necklaces, bracelets, and nose and lip rings, set with pearls and precious stones.

When the troops reached the plaza, Chicomacatl,^[29] lord of the province, stepped from the palace to receive his guests. He was supported by two nobles, and though enormously stout,^[30] his features denoted high intelligence, and his manner refinement. He was more of a gentleman than many of the Spaniards, whose merriment over his corpulence Cortés was obliged to repress. After saluting and wafting incense before the commander of the strange company, Chicomacatl embraced Cortés and led him to his quarters in the spacious halls adjoining the temple, after which he retired for a time. There the men rested and refreshed themselves, guards being carefully posted, for Cortés would not trust his fate to strangers, and strict orders were given that no one should leave the building.^[31]

It was not long before Chicomacatl returned in a litter with a richly attired suite, bringing presents of fine robes, and jewels worth about two thousand ducats. During the conversation that ensued, Cortés as usual extolled the greatness and power of his king, and spoke warmly of his mission to replace their bloody religion with-a knowledge of the true God. Were there wrongs to redress, that is to say, when opportunity offered for the perpetration of a greater wrong by himself, no knight of La Mancha or Ämadis of Gaul could be more valiant than he. In return the chief of Cempoala unbosomed himself, for the manner of Cortés was winning, and his speech inspired confidence whenever he chose to make it so. Then his fame, already wide-spread over the land, and the dim uncertainty as to his nature, whether more celestial or terrestrial, added weight to his words. So Chicomacatl poured forth from an overflowing heart a torrent of complaints against the tyranny of Montezuma. He drew for the Spaniards a historic outline of the Aztecs-how a people the youngest in the land had, at first by cunning and treachery, and finally by forced allies and preponderance of arms, built their power upon the ruin of older states. The Totonacs, whose records as an independent nation in this region extended over seven centuries, had succumbed only some twenty-five years before this.^[32] And now Montezuma's collectors overran the provinces, gathering heavy tributes, seizing the beautiful maidens, and conveying the men into slavery or to the sacrificial stone. Neither life, liberty, nor property could be enjoyed with any degree of safety.

Whereat Cortés of course was indignant. It was his special business to do all the tyrannizing in that region himself; his sword would give ample protection to his new allies, and bring abundant honor to his king and himself. Let but the people prove loyal to him, he concluded, and he surely would deliver them from the hated yoke; yet he did not mention the more fatal bondage into which he would place them. Chicomacatl eagerly assured Cortés of support from the Totonacs, numbering fifty thousand warriors, with numerous towns and fortresses.^[33] Furthermore, there were many other states ready to join an insurrection which should prove strong enough to brave the terrible Montezuma.

Their visit over,^[34] the Spaniards continued their march northward to join the fleet. Four hundred tlamamas, or carriers, attended, in courtesy to honored guests, to relieve the soldiers of their burdens. The following day they reached Quiahuiztlan, a fortified town about a league from the sea. This town was picturesquely placed on a rocky promontory bordering one of the many wild ravines thereabout, and of difficult access, commanding the plain and harbor at its base.^[35] The army advanced cautiously, in battle array,^[36] but the place was deserted. On reaching the plaza, however, some fifteen chiefs came forward with swinging censers, and apologized, saying that the people had fled, not knowing what the strange arrival portended, but reassured by the Cempoalans, they were already returning to serve them. The soldiers then took possession of a large building, where food was brought them. Presently the chief appeared; and close at his heels in hot haste came the lord of Cempoala, who announced that the Aztec collectors had entered his city.^[37] While conferring with Cortés and the chiefs assembled, Chicomacatl was informed that the collectors, five^[38] in number, had followed him to Quiahuiztlan, and were even then at the door. All the chiefs present turned pale, and hastened out to humble themselves before the officers, who responded with disdainful condescension. The officers were clad in embroidered robes, with a profusion of jewelry, and wore the hair gathered upon the crown. In the right hand they carried their insignia of office, a hooked carved stick, and in the left a bunch of roses, the ever welcome offering of the obsequious Totonac nobles who swelled their train. A suite of servitors followed, some with fans and dusters, for the comfort of their masters. Passing the Spanish quarter without deigning to salute the strangers, the emissaries of the mighty Montezuma entered another large building, and after refreshing themselves summoned the tributary chiefs, reprimanded them for having received the Spaniards without permission from Montezuma, and demanded twenty young persons for an atoning sacrifice. Well might the demoniacal order cause to tremble every youth throughout the land; for whose turn should be next none could tell. Even the faces of the chiefs were blanched as they told Cortés, informing him also that it was already determined in Aztec circles to make slaves of the Spaniards, and after being used awhile for purposes of procreation, they were to be sacrificed.^[39] Cortés laughed, and ordered the Totonacs to seize. the insolent officials. What! lay violent hands on Montezuma's messengers? The very thought to them was appalling. Nevertheless they did it, for there was something in the tone of Cortés that made them obey, though they could not distinguish the meaning of his words. They laid hold on those tax-men of Montezuma, put collars on their necks, and tied their hands and feet to poles.^[40] Their timidity thus broken, they became audacious, and demanded the sacrifice of the prisoners.^[41] 'By no means," Cortés said, and he himself assumed their custody.

Howsoever the cards fall to him, a skilful gamester. plays each severally, nothing cavilling, at its worth. So Cortés now played these messengers, the method assuming form in his mind immediately he saw them. With him this whole Mexican business was one great game, a life game, though it should last but a day; and as the agencies and influences of it fell into his fingers, with the subtlety of the serpent he dealt them out, placing one here and another there, playing with equal readiness enemy against enemy, and multiplying friends by friends.

These so lately pride-puffed tribute-men, now low laid in the depths of despondency — how shall they be played? Well, let them be like him who fell amongst thieves, while the Spanish commander acts the good Samaritan. In pursuance of which plan, when all had retired for the night, he went stealthily to them, asked who they were, and why they were in that sad plight, pretending ignorance. And when they told him, this rare redresser was angry, hot with indignation that the noble representatives of so noble a imonarch should be so treated. Whereupon he instantly released two of them, comforting the others with the assurance that their deliverance should quickly follow; for the emperor Montezuma he esteemed above all emperors, and he desired to serve him, as commanded by his king. Then he sent the twain down the coast in a boat, beyond the Totonac boundary.

Next morning, when told that two of the Aztec captives had broken their bonds and escaped, the Totonacs were more urgent than ever for the immolation of the others. But Cortés again said no, and arranged that they should be sent in chains on board one of his vessels, determined afterward to release them, for they were worth far more to his purpose alive than dead.

 

It is refreshing at this juncture to hear pious people censure Cortés for his duplicity, and to hear other pious people defend him on the ground of necessity, or otherwise. Such men might with equal reason wrangle over the method by which it was right and honorable for the tiger to spring and seize the hind. The one great wrong is lost sight of in the discussion of numerous lesser wrongs. The murderer of an empire should not be too severely criticised for crushing a gnat while on the way about the business.^[42]

 

At the suggestion of Cortés, messengers were sent to all the towns of the province, with orders to stop the payment of tribute and to seize the collectors, but to spare their lives. Information was likewise to be given to the neighboring nations, that all might prepare to resist the force which Montezuma would probably send against them. The Totonacs became wild with joy, and declared that the little band who dare so brave Montezuma must be more than men.^[43] To Quiahuitzlan flocked chiefs and nobles from all parts, eager to behold these beings, and to ascertain their own future course of action. There were those among them still timid, who urged an embassy to the king of kings, to beseech pardon before his army should be upon them, slaying, enslaving, and laying waste; but Cortés had already influence, was already strong enough to allay their fears, and bring them all into allegiance to the Spanish sovereign, exacting their oath before the notary Godoy to support him with all their forces. Thus, by virtue of this man's mind, many battles were fought and won without the striking of a blow. Already every Spaniard there was a sovereign, and the meanest soldier among them a ruler of men.

 

 

1. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vi., and others refer to a similar number as being on the sick-list. Yellow fever, or vómito negro, now the scourge of this and adjoining regions, appears to have developed with the growth of European settlements, and Clavigero states that it was not known there before 1725. Storia Mess., i. 117.
2. 'Hasta el parage del rio grande de Pánuco.' Herrera, loc. cit. 'Llegaron al parage del rio grande, que es cerca de Panuco, adonde otra vez llegamo quado lo del Capitá Juan de Grijalua.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 27.
3. 'Doze dias que gastaron en este peligroso viage.' Herrera, ubi sup. Boluiose al cabo de tres semanas . . . . le salian los de la costa, y se sacauă sangre, y se la ofreciã en pajuelos por amistad a deidad.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 45.
4. Ixtlilxochiti, Hist. Chich., 289. Quiauitl, rain or shower. Molina, Vocabulario. Hence rainy place. Herrera calls it Chianhuitzlan, and this has been adopted by Clavigero and most other writers. Prescott, Mex., i. 348, in a note holds up Clavigero as a standard for the spelling of Mexican names, but he forgets that the Italian form, as in the above case, would be misleading to English people.
5. Le llamaro͏̄ Vernal, por ser, como es, vn Cerro alto.' Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 15. This may have been the origin of the name for the Spanish port, after which Bernal Diaz says it was called. Hist. Verdad., 27. He applies the naine to a neighboring fort, spelling it in different ways, of which Solis, and consequently Robertson, have selected the most unlikely. Gomara applies Aquiahuiztlan to the harbor. Hist. Mex., 49.
6. Bernal Diaz relates with great satisfaction how earnestly the speaker pleaded for his vote, addressing him repeatedly as 'your worship.' One reason for their earnestness, he implies, was the superiority in number of the Velazquez party. 'Los deudos, y amigos del Diego Velazquez, que eran muchos mas que nosotros.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28-9. He forms this estimate most likely on the proportion of leaders who from jealousy of Cortés, and for other reasons, were addicted to Velazquez; but their men were probably more in favor of the general than of the captains, to judge from the result. The sailors for obvious reasons may have added to the Velazquez number, if not to their strength.
7. 'Se hazia mucho de rogar: y como dize el refran: Tu me lo ruegas, è yo me lo quiero.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.
8. 'Se puso vna picota en la plaça, y fuera de la Uilla vna horca.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. This signifies that justice was installed, its officers being next appointed.
9. See note 23, chap. ii., this volume.
10. 'Nombrónos . . . . por alcaldes y regidores,' say distinctly the appointed officers themselves, in their letter to the emperor. Carta del Åyunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 20. Bernal Diaz also indicates that Cortés made the appointments, although he at first says, 'hizimos Alcalde, y Regidores.' Yet it is probable that the authorities were confirmed formally as they were tacitly by the members of the expedition; for Cortés, as he acknowledges, had no real authority to form a settlement.
11. Testimonio de Montejo, in Col, Doc. Inéd., i. 489. 'Â este Montejo porque no estaua muy bien con Cortés, por metelle en los primeros, y principal, le mandò nombrar por Alcalde.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 29.
12. Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii; Torquemada, i. 587. Bernal Diaz skips the regidores. He thinks Villareal was not reappointed alférez because of a difficulty with Cortés about a Cuban female. Hist. Verdad., 29; Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 116. Promotion and other causes gave speedy rise to changes among the officials; Ávila, for instance, becoming alcalde mayor of New Spain, and Pedro de Alvarado alcalde of the town.
13. Los q͏̄ para esto estauă auisados, sin dar lugar a que nadie tomasse la mano. A vozes respõdierõ Cortes, Cortes.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii. Bernal Diaz merely intimates that a 'packed' meeting was held, by stating that the men of Velazquez were furious on finding Cortés and the municipality elected, declaring, 'q͏́ no era bien hecho sin ser sabidores dello todos los Capitanes, y soldados." Hist. Verdad., 29. This indicates also that many of the opponents must have been sent away from camp for the occasion, perlhaps on board the vessels. Montejo had besides a number with him.
14. El qual como si nada supiera del caso, preguntò que era lo que mandauā." Having signified his acceptance, 'Quisierõ besarle las manos por ello, como cosa al bien de todos.' Herrera, ubi sup.
15. Gomara says frankly, 'Cortes acepto el cargo de capitan general y justicia mayor, a pocos ruegos, porq͏̄ no desseaua otra cosa mas por entonces.' Hist. Mex., 48. 'Y no tuvo vergüenza Gomara,' is Las Casas' comment on the admission. Hist. Ind., iv. 496. Bernal Diaz states that Cortés had made it a condition, when the army pleaded to remain in the country, that he should receive these offices: 'Y lo peor de todo que le otorgamos que le dariamos el quinto del oro.' Hist. Verdad., 29. The letter of the ayuntamiento to the emperor sets forth that they had represented to Cortés the injustice of trading gold for the sole benefit of Velazquez and himself, and the necessity of securing the country and its wealth for the king by founding a colony, which would also benefit them all in the distribution of grants. They had accordingly urged him to stop barter as hitherto carried on, and to found a town. It is then related how he yielded his own interest in favor of king and community, and appointed them alcaldes and regidores. His authority. having in consequence become null, they appointed him in the king's name justicia, alcalde mayor, and captain, as the ablest and most loyal man, and in consideration of his expenses and services so far. Carta 10 Jul., 1519, in Cortés, Cartas, 19-21. Both Puertocarrero and Montejo confirm, in their testimony before the authorities in Spain, that Cortés yielded to the general desire in doing what he did. Col. Doc. Inéd., i. 489, 493-4. According to Gomara, Cortés makes a trip into the neighboring country, and, finding how rich it is, he proposes to settle, and to send the vessels to Cuba for more men wherewith to undertake the conquest. This was approved: Cortés accordingly appointed the municipality, and resigning the authority conferred by the Jeronimite Fathers and by Velazquez, as now useless, these officers in turn elected him as their captain-general and justicia mayor. The council proposed that, since the only provisions remaining belonged to Cortés, he should take from the vessels what he needed for himself and servants, and distribute the rest among the men at a just price, their joint credit being pledged for payment. The fleets and outfit were to be accepted by the company in the same way, the vessels to be used to carry provisions from the islands. Scorning the idea of trading his possessions, Cortés surrendered the fleet and effects for free distribution among his companions. Although liberal at all times with them, this act was prompted by a desire to gain good-will. Hist. Mex., 46-8; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. vii.; Torquemada, i. 395, 587. Las Casas terms the whole transaction, as related by Gomara and the ayuntamiento, a plot to defraud Velazquez of his property and honors. Comparing the conduct of Cortés with that of Velazquez against Colon, he finds the latter trifling and pardonable, while the former was a barefaced robbery, resulting to Velazquez in loss of fortune, honors, and life. The captains were accomplices. Hist. Ind., iv. 453, 494-6. Peter Martyr gives the facts in brief without venturing an opinion. dec. v. cap. i.; Zumárraga, in Ramirez, Doc., MS., 271-2. Cortés still held out the offer to furnish a vessel for those who preferred to return to Cuba. As for Velazquez' goods, they remained safely in charge of the authorized agent, who also recovered the advances made to members. See note 5, cap. v.
16. As for the ayuntamiento, the passive recognition accorded to it, confirmed as it was by the popularly elected general, may be regarded as sufficient. Spanish municipal bodies possessed an extensive power conferred upon them during successive reigns, chiefly with a view to afford the sovereign a support against the assuming arrogance of the nobles. Their deliberations were respected; they could appoint members, regulate their expenses, and even raise troops under their own standard. As an instance of the consideration enjoyed by these troops, it is related that Isabella the Catholic, when reviewing the army besieging Moclin, gave a special salute of respect to the banner of Seville. Alaman, Disert., i. 612; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., ii. 401-2.
17. According to Gomara, Cortés enters the country with 400 men and all the horses, before the election had been mooted. He describes the towns visited. Hist. Mex., 46-8. Bernal Diaz pronounces the number of men and the time of entry false. He also states that Montejo was bought over for 2000 pesos and more. Hist. Verdad., 30.
18. According to Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 30, gold played an important role in effecting this change of allegiance, termed by Velazquez, in his Memorials to Spain, a witchery. Solis sees nothing but the dignified yet clever traits of his hero in all this.
19. The soldiers called them Lopelucios, because their first inquiry was Lopelucio, 'chief,' whom they wished to see. They had not ventured to approach while the Mexicans were at the camp. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28.
20. According to Gomara, followed by Herrera, the Totonacs were about twenty in number, and came while Teuhtlile was absent on his second mission to Mexico, without bringing a direct invitation to the Spaniards. Hist. Mex., 43-4.
21. See Native Races, v. 475-7.
22. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 288. This author is not very careful, however, and his desire to court the Spaniards has no doubt led him to antedate the event. Brasseur de Bourbourg accepts his story in full. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 87-8. A similar revelation is claimed to have been made by two Aztec chiefs, Vamapantzin and Atonaltzin, who came to the camp in the retinue of the first messengers from Mexico. Descendants of the early Aztec kings, and discontented with the present ruler, they promised Cortés to deliver certain native paintings foretelling the coming of white men, to reveal the whereabouts of the imperial treasures, and to plot an uprising among native states in aid of Spaniards. For these services they received extensive grants after the conquest, including that of Ajapusco town. The document recording this is a fragment which Zerecero parades in the opening part of his Mem. Rev. Méx., 8-14, as a discovery by him in the Archivo General. It pretends to be a title to Ajapusco lands, and contains on the first pages a letter signed by Cortés at San Juan de Ulua, '20 March,' 1519, as Captain-general and governor of these New Spains.' Both the date and titles stamp the letter at least as more than suspicious.
23. The natives called it Citlaltepetl, starry mountain, with reference probably to the sparks issuing from it. For height, etc., see Humboldt, Essai Pol., i. 273. Brasseur de Bourbourg gives it the unlikely name of Alhuilizapan. Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 99. The ending 'pan' implies a discrict or town, not a mountain. The description in Carta del Ayunt., in Cortés, Cartas, 22-3, expresses doubt whether the whiteness of the summit is due to snow or to clouds.
24. Alvarado chased a deer, and succeeded in wounding it, but the next moment the dense underbrush saved it from pursuit. The Carta del Ayunt., loc. cit., gives a list of birds and quadrupeds; and a descriptive account, founded greatly on fancy, however, is to be found in the curious Erasmi Francisci Guineischer und Americanischer Blumen-Pusch, Nürnberg, 1669, wherein the compiler presents under the title of a nosegay the 'perfume of the wonders of strange animals, of peculiar customs, and of the doings of the kings of Peru and Mexico.' The first of its two parts is devoted to the animal kingdom, with particular attention to the marvellous, wherein credulity finds free play, as may be seen also in the flying dragon of one of the crude engravings. In the second part, the aborigines, their history, condition, and customs, are treated of, chiefly under Peru and Mexico, chapter v. relating specially to the latter country. The narrative is quite superficial and fragmentary; the 'nosegay' being not only common but faded, even the style and type appearing antiquated for the date. Appended is Hemmersam, Guineische und West-Indianische Reissbeschreibung, with addition by Dietherr, relating to Africa and Brazil.
25. A tres leguas andadas llego al rio que parte termino con tierras de Montecçuma.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 49; Torquemada, i. 395.
26. Gomara, who ignores the previous night's camp, states that the detour up the river was made to avoid marshes. They saw only isolated huts, and fields, and also about twenty natives, who were chased and caught. By them they were guided to the hamlet. Hist. Mex., 49. They met one hundred men bringing them food. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. Prescott allows the Spaniards to cross only a tributary of la Antigua, and yet gain Cempoala. Mex., i. 339-40.
27. Las Casas says 20,000 to 30,000. Hist. Ind., iv. 492. Torquemada varies in different places from 25,000 to 150,000. The inhabitants were moved by Conde de Monterey to a village in Jalapa district, and in T'orquemada's time less than half a dozen remained. i. 397. 'Dista de Vera-Cruz quatro leguas, y las ruínas dan á entender la grandeza de la Ciudad; pero es distinto de otro Zempoal . . . . que dista de este doze leguas.' Lorenzana, in Cortés, Hist. N. España, 39. Assentada en vn llano entre dos rios.' A league and a half from the sea. Herrera, dec, ii. lib. v. cap. viii.
28. 'Cempoal, que yo intitulé Sevilla.' Cortés, Cartas, 52. See Native Races, ii. 553-90; iv. 425-63, on Nahua architecture.
29. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 294. Brasseur de Bourbourg, by a misconstruction of his authorities, calls him Tlacochcalcatl. Codex Chimalpopoca, in Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civ., iv. 93. See Sahagun, Hist. Conq., 16.
30. Una gordura monstruosa . . . . Fue necesario que Cortés detuviesse la risa de los soldados.' Solis, Hist. Mex., i. 175.
31. 'Se hizo el alojamento en el patio del Templo mayor.' Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. viii.
32. For the reigns of their kings, see Torquemada, i. 278–-80. Robertson, Hist. Am., ii. 31, wrongly assumes the Totonacs to be a fierce people, different from Cempoalans.
33. 'Toda aquella provincia de Cempoal y toda la sierra comarcana á la dicha villa, que serán hasta cinquenta mil hombres de guerra y cincuenta villas y fortalezas.' Cortés, Cartas, 53. 'Cien mil hōbres entre toda la liga.' Gomara, Hist. Mex., 57. En aquellas tierras de la lengua de Totonaque, que eran mas de trienta pueblos.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The province appears to have extended from Rio de la Antigua to Huaxtecapan, in the north of Vera Cruz, and from the sea to Zacatlan, in Puebla. Patiño assumes Mixquhuacan to have been the capital, but this must be a mistake.
34. Gomara relates that the army remained at Cempoala fifteen days, during which frequent visits were made by the lord, Cortés paying the first return visit on the third day, attended by fifty soldiers. He describes briefly the palace, and how Cortés, seated by the side of the lord, on icpalli stools, now won his confidence and adhesion. Hist. Mex., 51-3; Tapia, Rel., in Icazbalceta, Col. Doc., ii. 561; Herrera, dec. ii. lib. v. cap. x. Bernal Diaz declares Gomara wrong, and insists that they proceeded on their way the following day. Hist. Verdad., 31; Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 26-7.
35. For illustrated description of barranca ruins, see Native Races, iv. 439 et seq.
36. Ávila, who had command, was so strict as to lance Hernando Alonso de Villanueva for not keeping in line. Lamcd in the arm, he received the nickname of el Manquillo. Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 31. The riders were obliged to retain their seats, lest the Indians should suppose that the horses could be deterred by any obstacles. Gomara, Hist. Mex., 53.
37. Vetancvrt, Teatro Mex., pt. iii. 117. Others suppose that he came merely to persuade the cacique to join Cortes. Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 27.
38. Four men. Ixtlilxochitl, Hist. Chich., 289. 'Twenty men,' says Gomara, Hist. Mex., 54, who does not refer to the arrival of Cempoala's lord.
39. 'Monteçuma tenia pensamiēnto, . . . . de os auer todos á las manos, para que hiziessemos generacion, y tambien para tener que sacrificar.' Bernal Diaz, Hist. Verdad., 28.
40. 'Carcerati nelle loro gabbie,' is the way Clavigero puts it. Storia Mess., iii. 28. One was even whipped for resisting.
41. 'Porque no se les fuesse alguno dellos á dar mandado á Mexico,' is Bernal Diaz' reason for it. Hist. Verdad., 32.
42. Condotta artifiziosa, e doppia,' ctc., says Clavigero, Storia Mess., iii. 28, while Solis lands it as 'Grande artífice de medir lo que disponia, con lo que rezelaba: y prudente Capitan.' Hist. Mex., i. 186.
43. Desde alli adelante nos llamaron Teules,' says Bernal Diaz, with great satisfaction. Hist Verdad., 32. A los Españoles llamaron teteuh, que quiere decir dioses, y los Españoles corrompiendo el vocablo decian teules, el cual nombre les duró mas de tres años,' till we stopped it, declaring that there was but one God. Motolinia, Hist. Ind., i. 142-3. See note 16.