History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 12

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XII.

MORELOS AND RAYON.

1811.

State of the Revolution after Hidalgo's Capture — Biography of Morelos — His Character — His Meeting with Hidalgo and Commission — Morelos in Michoacan — The Royalist Páris Defeated — Morelos Marches to Chilpancingo — The Family of the Bravos — Capture of Tixtla — Defeat of the Royalist Fuentes — A Conspiracy Suppressed — Rayon Retreats from Saltillo — He Defeats Ochoa — A Terrible March — The Platform of the Insurgent Leader — Rayon Evacuates Zacatecas — Trujillo's Doings in Valladolid — Retreat of the Insurgents.

With the heads of the leaders cut off, many thought that the revolution was forever at an end. And so it might have been had the movement rested in man's hand — that is, had it originated solely with those men, or with any one set of men, or had it been dependent for its final success on aught else than the mighty power of progress. Independence was not an accident. It had waited its full development in the womb of time, and now its bringing-forth was certain. The birth of freedom in America had long been predetermined. Cut off the head of every revolutionist twenty times, and twenty times new armies would arise until the great dragon was slain.

When tidings of the capture of Hidalgo, Allende, and their army reached Mexico, the rejoicing of the royalists was great, as we may imagine. The first report was conveyed without particulars in a despatch from Ochoa; and though the viceroy could rely upon the statement,^[1] and caused the bells to be rung, and salvoes of artillery to be fired, the independent party in the absence of details was loath to accept it as true. Later information, however, confirmed the intelligence, and despondency prevailed among its ranks. Venegas, on the contrary, was jubilant, and regarded the suppression of the rebellion as essentially accomplished. But he did not recognize the extent and degree to which independent principles had pervaded the lower classes. It is true that from the sweeping disasters which had lately been sustained, the ordinary observer might wonder that the cause was not already abandoned. But during the year 1811, thus far, the insurrection had spread with surprising rapidity, which had carried it over the greater portion of New Spain. The aspect of the revolution was, however, materially changed since its incipiency, and the struggle had now assumed more the color of individual and predatory warfare. Without any form of government, or even a recognized head after Hidalgo's capture—for Rayon's commission as commander-in-chief was not generally acknowledged—each provincial leader acted independently according to his pleasure. Arms and money were wanting, as well as leaders; and owing to this lack of plan and principle, and the absence of cohesion, the successes which they repeatedly gained were but temporary. Too often, moreover, their chiefs knew little of the art of war, and many of them were wholly unlettered. On the other hand, the royalists had among them leaders not only trained to the military profession, but of practical experience in warfare. They were in possession of nearly all the arms in the country; their troops were well disciplined; and above all, they held the ports, and could therefore supply themselves from abroad. Nevertheless, over a vast area detached bodies of insurgents sprung into existence, led some times by noble and patriotic men, but too often by desperadoes and escaped criminals, who carried on little better than a guerrilla warfare in their vicinity. Such bands generally kept themselves in impregnable positions, making descents upon unprotected towns, and desolating the surrounding country. Although the royalist forces occupied all the most important towns and the immediate vicinities, the revolutionists gradually gained control over the country at large. Guanajuato, Jalisco, Michoacan, Zacatecas, and large portions of Puebla, Vera Cruz, San Luis Potosí, and Mexico at the close of 1811, were almost completely in possession of the insurgents; and their enemies, confined to the fortified cities, were not sufficiently numerous to assail in all parts the numerous hordes which infested the country. The main efforts of the royalists being directed against the better organized armies of the independents, they could send out only detachments against such guerrilla bands, as, gathering strength, made themselves, from time to time, the terror of particular districts. In these cases the in surgents were generally routed and temporarily dispersed with heavy loss, no mercy being shown to those taken with arms in their hands.^[2] It was, perhaps, the very best policy the revolutionists could have pursued, although adopted without policy—these incessant diversions which weakened the efforts of the royalists, and rendered useless the concentration of their forces.

There was at this time one man only who stood forth conspicuous among the revolutionists as an admitted chief, a leader round whom they might with some degree of confidence rally, a fit successor of Hidalgo; and somewhat strange to say, this new man was the friend and disciple of Hidalgo, like him an ecclesiastic, and like him a devoted lover of his country. His name was José María Morelos y Pavon. He was born on the 30th of September, 1765, on the rancho Tahuejo el Chico, near Apatzingan.^[3] His parents were honest and respectable people, the father, Manuel Morelos, being a carpenter, and the mother, Juana Pavon, the daughter of a school-master in Valladolid. José's education was the most elementary, and on the death of his father, his widowed mother was in so straitened circumstances that she gave the care of her son to his uncle Felipe Morelos, who owned a mule train, and trafficked between Mexico and Acapulco. The young man sometimes followed the train, and sometimes looked after the stock on the rancho;^[4] although his ambition, supported by his mother's wishes, had ever been a place in the church. At the age of thirty-two, by great effort and self-denial, he succeeded in gaining admission into the college of San Nicolás as a sizar, or servitor.^[5] Here he studied natural and moral philosophy under the guidance of Hidalgo, who was at that time the rector, and for whom Morelos ever afterward entertained the greatest regard and veneration. Having been ordained, he was appointed temporarily to the cures of Churumuco and Huacana; and later the benefice of the towns of Caracuaro and Nucupétaro, in the department of Tacámbaro, was conferred upon him. The stipend of this curato was small, but the hardships of his early life had instilled into Morelos habits of frugality, and he managed to save enough of his income to purchase a modest house in Valladolid in 1801. This dwelling was the only private property he ever owned.

At the date of the grito de Dolores, Morelos was about forty-five years of age. He was strong physically, with plenty of brain power. Not above medium height, thick-set and solid, he was capable at this time of great endurance. His complexion was of a healthy dark brown; eyes clear, dark, and brilliant, with a glance now quick, searching, magnetic, now stern and meditative, and again lapsing into profound reverie. Yet he was no dreamer; he was more man of the world than Hidalgo, though in regard to learning he would be almost called illiterate beside the sage of Dolores. But he had sufficient education to answer every purpose of his genius, which must ever be regarded as among the greatest of his age.

There was a whirlwind of energy in his face; the very atmosphere about him seemed impregnated with the latent force emanating from his form and presence. The eyebrows were heavy, and met, giving the countenance an expression of invincible determination. The shape and size of the head also showed great mental power. About the mouth and lower jaw the character lines were deeply traced, features generally well chiselled, the chin being rounded like Caesar's on a Roman medal, here again displaying the presence of an indomitable will. He was grave and gay at once; if you would dwell upon the former phase of his disposition, let your eyes rest on the upper part of the face; if upon the latter, then look at the lower part. There was about the mouth an expression at times of almost repulsive firmness, yet tempered always by frankness; there was about the whole face a harmony and equilibrium always present in some form and degree in great men. His energy was of the devouring type. In battle his eyes flashed with a sinister light; his voice assumed a depth of tone which his soldiers thought was like the thunder of a god; and he sometimes became so hungry when thus aroused that he would pause in the heat of fighting and call for something to eat. He thought no more of danger there than when reciting prayers in the cloister. And not withstanding all this, in the ordinary affairs of life he displayed a decided impassiveness, a countenance so serene as never in the slightest degree to reveal the workings of the mind. Nor was he lacking in conversational powers, in courtesy, or even in sprightly good humor. Nature made him master of all her varying moods, and gave him the discretion to use them to good purpose as occasion demanded.

He wore various uniforms during his military career; before he became a soldier his dress was the usual habit of a cura, not the extreme priestly robe, but a long black frock coat, black vest, knee-breeches, stockings, and buckled shoes. He suffered constantly from headache, which was greatly relieved by a kerchief always worn wound round the head, and usually supplying the place of hat or hood.

The character of Morelos will stand the most searching scrutiny. Under closest analysis, its strength and beauty shine brightest. His originality and sound judgment command our highest admiration. Together with great military ability, which enabled him to design wise combinations, he possessed excellent discrimination. He knew how to select his officers and agents. Uneducated though he was both in the arts of war and policy, his marvellous instinct and prevision, united with sound common sense, gained for him high renown, not only as war commander, but as political chief. The most minute affairs and matters of apparently insignificant importance never escaped his watchful eye. He recognized the importance of attention to trifles. It seemed as if everything received his attention. A rigid catholic, he always confessed himself before going into action; and his religious scruples were such that after his first engagement he never personally celebrated mass, but delegated the performance of that ceremony to an army chaplain. Like Hidalgo, he has been charged with cruelty; but reiterated accusations of this kind seem silly as brought against one who makes it his business to kill and damage his fellow-creatures for the time as much as possible. The difference drawn between the kind man-killer and the cruel one is little else than conventional subterfuge.^[6] Here in particular it was the exterminating system of warfare pursued which imposed upon revolutionary leaders severity and a rigorous system of death-sentences. The devotion of Morelos to the cause was unbounded, and his firmness of soul held him to whatsoever course his judgment marked out as the best. He was thoroughly consistent; for the attainment of independence he spared neither himself nor his enemies. Serene withal and impassive, alike in prosperity and disaster, he neither gave way to arrogant self-assertion nor yielded to dejection. But conspicuous among all his great qualities was his perfect disinterestedness. No personal motive influenced him in his valiant struggle for liberty. His own aggrandizement was what he least thought of. To decorations and titles earned by his victories he was wholly indifferent; he preferred the simple appellation of 'Servant of the Nation.'^[7]

When Hidalgo moved toward Valladolid after his capture of Guanajuato, Morelos, whom the news of the insurrection had already reached, hastened thither to learn what it all really meant. Hidalgo, however, had left the city; Morelos followed the army toward the capital, and overtook Hidalgo at the town of Charo. Thence he accompanied him to Indaparapeo. The cura told him that the only object he had was the independence of the country, which decided Morelos at once upon his course of action. He offered his services, and received a commission from Hidalgo to levy troops as his lieutenant on the southern coast, and further the cause of independence in conformity with verbal instructions.^[8]

The preliminaries for the expedition having been concluded, Morelos bade farewell to Hidalgo and returned to his cure—bade him farewell for the last time, for these two friends and fellow-patriots never again met! When he arrived at his parish, Morelos, with all the stern enthusiasm of his nature, applied himself to the work in which he had engaged. Calling to him twenty-five followers, he armed them with lances and a few muskets, and then directed his steps to Zacatula. It was an humble beginning, but it led to mighty results. The want of military organization in the territory he was invading was favorable to his designs. The militia companies of the different towns were wholly undisciplined, were never assembled for the purpose of drill or other military instruction, and their arms were stored in the residences of the commanding officers, most of whom obtained their positions as a mark of honor, and had never seen the soldiers they commanded. On the arrival of Morelos at Zacatula, he was joined by Marcos Martinez, captain of the militia cavalry of that port, with fifty men well provided with arms.^[9] Thence Morelos marched to Petatlan. Success again attended him. Gregorio Valdeolivar, the captain in command, was in the city of Mexico at the time, and Morelos, having surprised and captured his wife, compelled her to deliver up the keys of the quarter in which the arms were stored. By this procedure he obtained possession of fifty additional muskets, and as many lances. His forces were also increased by more than 100 men. Henceforward the progress of Morelos was rapid; and on his march to Acapulco followers

daily flocked to his standard. Passing through Tecpan, Zanjon, and Coyuca, he arrived at Aguacatillo, his forces now numbering 3,000, all well armed with muskets, swords, and lances. Unlike Hidalgo, Morelos would not permit the rabble to follow him; he would not have an army of undisciplined and refractory men; he confined himself to a small but efficient force. At Tecpan he won to the cause the Galeana family, whose chief members soon distinguished themselves by their bravery and abilities, and were selected by Morelos as his principal officers. There were three brothers of them, Juan José, Antonio, and Hermenegildo, and they proved devoted followers of Morelos, and greatly assisted him with men and arms.

From Aguacatillo, Morelos advanced against Acapulco, whither Captain Antonio Fuentes, comandante of Tecpan, had fled on the approach of the insurgents. Sending forward a detachment of 700 or 800 men under Córtes and Rafael Valdovinos to occupy the height of Veladero, which commands the port, they engaged on the 13th of November, 1810, with a force of 400, which Carreño, the governor of Acapulco, despatched against them under the command of Luis Calatayud. The affair took a some what ludicrous turn. Neither royalists nor revolutionists had ever been in action before, and after some desultory firing, both threw down their arms, turned simultaneously, and fled from the field.^[10] The dispersed royalists with others from Acapulco joined Morelos during the three following days to the number of 600.

Meanwhile, the rise of this new leader and the spread of the revolution southward caused the viceroy much uneasiness, the more so because all his best troops and officers were with Calleja and Cruz, and it was difficult for him to place in the field an adequate force. However, he ordered the Oajaca brigade to be got in readiness and the fifth coast division, under Captain Francisco Páris, to march against the insurgents. The first operations of Páris were successful. On the 1st of December he dispersed at the arroyo Moledor a body sent against him by Morelos, under Valdovinos, and succeeded in uniting his force with the sixth division of the coast, commanded by José Sanchez Pareja. At Tepango, also, the insurgents suffered a reverse, a detachment under Cortés and Martinez, who had been sent to attack the royalists at Chilapa, being defeated with some loss by Guevara.^[11] With better fortune, however, Miguel de Ávila gained on November 23d a slight success over Fuentes, who had landed at the harbor of Marquez with 300 men from Acapulco; and on the 13th of December the same officer repulsed at a place called the Sabana, the united forces of Páris and Pareja, who in conjunction with Fuentes were advancing against Aguacatillo.

Hitherto the operations of Morelos in the field had been neither important nor brilliant; and piqued at the insignificant results, he determined to anticipate Páris’ meditated assault upon Aguacatillo. The royalist leader had fallen back to Tres Palos, and Morelos decided to surprise his camp by night. Accordingly on the 4th of January, 1811, he secretly despatched Ávila with 600 men, who defeated the royalists, nearly 1,000 strong, with the trilling loss of five killed.^[12] The result was most important to the revolutionists; 600 muskets, five pieces of artillery, including a howitzer and a large quantity of ammunition, and other war stores fell into their hands, while the reputation of their chief spread far and wide.

Morelos now directed his attention to Acapulco, in the expectation of gaining possession of the fort with out difficulty, Carreño's assistant, an artillery officer named Gago, having secretly made offers to surrender it to him. With 600 men he marched in person from the Sabana, and on the night of the 7th of February secretly took up a position on the eminence of las Iguanas in front of the fort. Early next morning the preconcerted signal was seen at the appointed hour,^[13] and Morelos, dividing his force into two divisions, placed one under a man from the United States named Elias Bean,^[14] and the other under Ávila. These officers were directed to approach the castle from different points. But Gago's overtures were all a feint; and when one of the divisions had advanced within favorable range, the fort and vessels in the harbor simultaneously opened fire upon it. Morelos, realizing the treachery, quickly withdrew his men. He then concentrated his forces on the Iguanas hill, and laid siege to the fort. For nine days he kept up a steady fire with four pieces of artillery of light calibre, and a howitzer. Carreño, however, by a successful sortie on the 19th gained possession of the artillery with the exception of one gun.^[15]

After this loss, and being threatened by Nicolás Cosío, who had been appointed by the viceroy commander in the south and had already joined Páris, Morelos raised the siege and retired to the Sabana, where he remained for a month, after which time, prostrated with sickness, he was conveyed to Tecpan, having left Francisco Hernandez in charge of the troops.^[16]

During the two following months no operations of importance were undertaken. The insurgents, how ever, firmly held their position against Cosío, who, having approached the Sabana, was compelled by Hermenegildo Galeana, who assailed him at daylight on the 4th of April,^[17] to retire to las Cruces, which had been occupied by Fuentes. The viceroy, in disgust at Cosío's want of success, and perhaps of loyalty, being a Mexican, placed Fuentes in command. Again on the 30th of April and the 1st of May, Ávila successfully repelled an attack made by Fuentes, who fell back upon las Cruces and Aguacatillo, from which the insurgents had been compelled to withdraw.

In the mean time, Morelos, reëstablished in health, had returned; and finding his position on the Sabana no longer tenable, owing to the difficulty in obtaining provisions, which were intercepted by detachments of the enemy, he abandoned it on the 3d of May. Determined to extend the field of his operations, he left Ávila well fortified on the Veladero, and at the head of no more than 300 men marched toward Chilpancingo. With this small force Morelos entered upon a campaign which shook Spain's power in Mexico to its foundation. After a march attended with much labor and suffering, during which he overcame all resistance offered by the royalists, he entered Chilpancingo without opposition on the 24th of May, his forces being now increased to 600 men well provided with muskets and arms taken from the enemy. But he received still more important support from the Bravos, one of the first families of that city.^[18] These devoted patriots henceforth shared with the Galeanas the highest confidence of Morelos.

The royalist troops whom he had come in contact with, and who were under the direction of Garrote, had retreated to Tixtla; and Morelos, without allowing Garrote time to repair his losses, followed with all speed. On the 26th of May the insurgents arrived before the town, and although the royalists were well protected by fortifications and provided with artillery, the attack was commenced without delay. The contest was long and obstinate, but after six hours hard fighting, during which a portion of the town was set on fire, the royalists were driven from the fortified points, and retreated to the church, where most of them were made prisoners.^[19] Besides the prestige gained by this victory, the material results were of high importance; eight cannon, 200 muskets, and 600 prisoners being captured. During the two following months Morelos was actively employed in repairing and strengthening the fortifications of Tixtla, in augmenting the number of his forces, and above all in attention to their military instruction and discipline.

When these successes became known to Fuentes, he recognized that it was of paramount importance to arrest the progress of Morelos; and stopping preparations to attack Ávila at the Veladero, he concentrated his forces in his pursuit. Taking up a position at Chilapa, an important town four leagues distant from Tixtla, he made his dispositions for the recapture of the latter town. Meantime Morelos, having completed the defences at Tixtla, leaving there a garrison of 104 men under the command of Hermenegildo Galeana and Nicolás Bravo, returned to Chilpancingo, and on the 15th of August celebrated the virgin's ascension. Fuentes, duly informed of this division of the enemy's forces, and the diversion caused at Chilpancingo, hastened to avail himself of the opportunity, and vigorously assaulted Tixtla on the same day. Galeana and Bravo, however, resisted the attack with unflinching bravery, and firmly maintained themselves in their positions. The assault was continued during the whole of the following day, and the garrison, whose ammunition was almost exhausted, was now in a critical position. Morelos, however, was already hastening to their assistance, and on the 17th assailed the rear of Fuentes' force with 300 cavalry and 100 infantry, supported by three cannon. Galeana and Bravo immediately availed themselves of this diversion and sallied from the town. Fuentes, thus attacked in front and rear, ordered a retreat, which at first was conducted with order and deliberation. A drenching rain-storm, however, commenced, impeding the movements of the royalists, and rendering their ammunition unserviceable. Morelos now ordered Galeana and Bravo to come to close quarters with sword and bayonet, while he swept down upon them with the cavalry. The charge threw the royalists into confusion; completely routed, they fled in all directions, leaving on the field 200 killed, more than 300 muskets, two guns, and a quantity of other arms, as the spoil of the victors, who, moreover, captured 366 prisoners.^[20] Three days later Morelos marched into Chilapa, whither Fuentes with a remnant of his scattered force had fled. The insurgent army was now over 1,500 strong, and the defeated royalist, as well as the Oajaca troops stationed there, abandoned the town on its approach, leaving two pieces of artillery and a quantity of ammunition. At Chilapa, the artilleryman Gago, whose perfidious design had so nearly involved Morelos in disaster at Acapulco, was captured, together with José Toribio Navarro, who after having received from Morelos $200 with, which to raise troops for the independent cause, had passed over to the royalists. The unfortunate men were summarily executed.^[21] The position of Morelos was in the highest degree satisfactory. Venegas had immediately at hand neither troops nor an efficient leader to send against him, and the rainy season now approaching would assure him freedom from molestation for some time to come. He would thus be able to devote himself to the organization of his forces, while, whenever he chose to advance, Oajaca, Puebla, and Mexico, only defended by a few companies, lay open before him. But while all was thus bright overhead, the horizon was not without clouds. A conspiracy directed against his life and cause was at work in his own ranks, which but for his energy might have been attended with fatal consequences. His method of suppressing it was characteristic.

The first information received by Morelos of the capture of Hidalgo was by intercepted letters. Fearing the effect on his followers, he kept the matter to himself, but commissioned David^[22] and Tabares, both of whom had rendered him good service in the attack upon Páris at Tres Palos, as his agents to solicit the aid of the United States.^[23] On their journey thither they met Rayon, who informed them of his appointment by Hidalgo and Allende as captain-general of the revolutionary forces and ordered them to return, having conferred upon Tabares the rank of brigadier, and that of colonel upon David. Morelos, however, on their arrival at Chilapa, refused to recognize their commissions, and deeply offended they withdrew to Chilpancingo on the pretence of attending to private business. Thence they betook themselves to the coast, and in conjunction with one Mayo, who was serving under Ávila at the Veladero, fomented an insurrection, the aim of which was the killing of the landed proprietors and all persons belonging to the white race. The populace of the coast towns eagerly joined in the project. Ignacio Ayala, who had been appointed intendente by Morelos, was seized and confined at Tecpan, but succeeded in effecting his escape. While Ávila was absent from Veladero for the purpose of disarming David and Tabares, Mayo surprised the officer left in charge, made him and others captive, and attached the troops to the iniquitous undertaking.

The news of these proceedings soon reached Morelos, who hastened with an escort of 100 men to the scene of danger. His presence sufficed to overawe the mutineers. The troops returned to their allegiance, Ávila was reinstated in his command, and David and Tabares were disarmed. With the promise of placing them in charge of an expedition into Oajaca, he brought them back to Chilapa, where by his orders they were secretly beheaded.^[24] He also instructed Ávila to execute Mayo, who was accordingly shot.

 

When news of the capture of the revolutionary leaders at las Norias de Bajan reached Rayon,^[25] aware that Ochoa was marching against him, and that Elizondo was making a similar hostile movement from Monclova, he determined to abandon Saltillo and direct his course to Zacatecas, which was only defended by a small garrison. During the latter days of March he accordingly evacuated that town, his forces amounting to about 4,000 men.^[26] Ochoa, duly informed of this movement, hastened to intercept him, and on the 1st of April an engagement was fought at the defile of Piñones. The action lasted six hours, and ended in favor of the independents, Ochoa retreating to Aguanueva.^[27] This success, in the achievement of which the troops behaved exceedingly well, gained prestige for the cause. Rayon, without further molestation, continued his march to Zacatecas, but the difficulties with which he had to contend were so great, that had a more energetic commander been opposed to him he would have been overwhelmed. At Piñones a large portion of his pack-mules and provision and waterwagons fell into the hands of the royalists. The country was destitute of food and water, and the sufferings of his troops were fearful. Sickness broke out among them; many died, others went mad, and most of the animals perished. Maguey and cactus juice was drunk, producing burning pains.^[28] If a well or insignificant stream was found, the men fought like wild beasts over it. At a place called Las Ánimas there were symptoms of mutiny. A council of war was held, at which it was resolved to petition for the grace extended by the general pardon. Rayon, compelled outwardly to acquiesce, nevertheless postponed taking the necessary action in the matter, and many deserted. The captain-general, however, bravely pushed forward. Aware that there was abundance of water at the hacienda of San Eustaquio, which was occupied by a royalist force under Larrainzar, he sent forward a detachment under the direction of Anaya to attack the place. Anaya succeeded in surprising the enemy and dispersed them. From this time the sufferings of the independents were mitigated. At San Eustaquio Rayon halted for two days, in order to refresh his exhausted men.^[29] On the 11th of April he advanced to the hacienda of Pozo Hondo, whence he detached 500 men under Sotomayor to take possession of Fresnillo, which was done. As Rayon approached Zacatecas, he sent forward another detachment of equal number, under Anaya and Victor Rosales, to reconnoitre. They were attacked, and Rayon sent José Antonio Torres to their assistance, while he took up a position on the cerro de la Bufa, about a league distant from the city, with the rest of his forces, which amounted to little over 1,000. The royalist commander, Colonel Juan Zambrano, deeming his position in Zacatecas untenable, withdrew to the cerro del Grillo, and there intrenched himself. He was, however, surprised by a night attack conducted by Torres, with whose previous successes in Nueva Galicia the reader is already acquainted. The defeat of Zambrano was complete; his camp, artillery, ammunition, and baggage, with 500 bars of silver, fell into the hands of the assailants. Zambrano fled to Jerez, ten or twelve leagues distant, and on the following day, the 15th of April, Rayon entered Zacatecas without opposition.^[30] Thus terminated the retreat from Saltillo, which the constancy of the generals and the fortitude of the soldiers who remained faithful have rendered famous.

During the time which Rayon remained in Zacatecas, which was less than a month, he occupied himself with indefatigable industry in augmenting and drilling his forces. He made cannon and wagons; and all the resources of the place in clothing, munitions of war, and money were put in requisition. The rich mine of Quebradilla^[31] was thrown open to all who chose to work, one third of the metal to go to the laborers. With this incentive, thousands toiled night and day, and a large amount of metal was secured.^[32] As far as it was possible, Rayon also organized the government of the province, retaining in their offices all those employés who gave satisfactory guarantees of their adherence to the cause. Moreover, having convoked a general junta of the municipal corporations, he laid before them his plans for the establishment there of a provisional representative government of the nation, independent of Spain.

At the same time he sent a communication to Calleja, who was already on his march against him from San Luis Potosí. This address, which reached Calleja's hands at the hacienda of Carro, sets forth Rayon's explanation of the cause and object of the revolution. The treacherous imprisonment of the Spanish monarch, he states, was no impediment to the establishment of a junta central or of provincial juntas in the peninsula; and the design of New Spain was also to instal a national junta, or congress, after the precedents established in the peninsula. While Spain was being treasonably delivered up to the dominion of Napoleon, the rights of the crown being alienated and the holy religion prostituted, the object of this congress would be to put an end to the systems of appropriation of the property of corporations, and the exaction of so-called patriotic loans and donations which were ruining the country, the rights of Fernando, however, and the ecclesiastical government being maintained; and finally, to prevent the surrender of New Spain to the French.^[33] This address was signed conjointly by Rayon and Liceaga, and dated the 22d of April. On the 29th Calleja despatched his answer, in which, after commenting upon the cruel and desolating system of warfare adopted by the insurgents, and the outside danger to which it has exposed the nation, states that the government will hold no further correspondence with them, and concludes by offering them for the last time the benefit of the general pardon, on the condition that all arms, ammunition, and funds be delivered up.^[34]

On the receipt of this reply, Rayon, conscious of his inability to resist the attack of Calleja, who continued his march without interruption, abandoned Zacatecas with the intention of proceeding to Michoacan. In order to retard Calleja, he left Rosales in the city, with instructions to hold out to the last extremity, and then effect his retreat by way of Jerez. On the night of the 1st of May Calleja, who had advanced to Ojocaliente, received information of Rayon's retreat, and immediately despatched Colonel Empáran with a strong division and six cannon to intercept him. On the 3d of May Calleja entered Zacatecas without opposition, Rosales having availed himself of the benefit of the pardon which was granted at his request to him and his troops.^[35]

Meantime Empáran marched with great rapidity in pursuit of Rayon, and on the same day on which Calleja entered Zacatecas overtook him at the hacienda de Maguey. The engagement which followed was most disastrous to the revolutionists. Though occupying a strong position on the adjacent ridge, they were routed on all sides, the artillery of the enemy opening upon them with telling precision. Rayon's troops were dispersed, his demoralized officers carrying off a great part of the treasure.^[36] Twenty pieces of artillery, and a quantity of muskets and am munition, fell into the hands of the victors.^[37] More than 100 prisoners were captured, all of whom Empáran released except five, who were executed.^[38]

After this defeat Rayon, still maintaining his intention of entering Michoacan, retired to La Piedad unpursued by Empáran, who, little inclined to be subservient to Calleja's orders, under some pretext directed his course toward Guanajuato. At La Piedad Rayon could not collect more than about 200 of his scattered troops and $30,000 in money. Not disheartened, however, and having obtained in that town a few arms and three cannon, he proceeded to Zamora, where he organized a force of over 400 men, whom he placed under the command of Torres, with instructions to proceed to Pátzcuaro and unite his division with the troops under the revolutionary chiefs Padre Navarrete and Manuel Muñiz.^[39] In the neighborhood of Pátzcuaro Torres was vigorously attacked by a royalist force. The contest lasted nearly the whole day without the enemy being able to dislodge the insurgents from the position which they taken up on the eminence of la Tinaja. Torres, however, was severely wounded in the arm, and his troops were so hard pressed that their defeat was imminent. At this moment Rayon arrived with reënforcements; the royalists were soon routed, even losing their baggage, which they had left at Huiramba.

The conjunction of the insurgent leaders being thus accomplished, Rayon prepared to attack Valladolid. After Cruz's departure from that city in January, only a small force remained for its defence. Torcuato Trujillo, who, as the reader will recollect, had been appointed military commander of the province, was so arrogant and tyrannical that he brought upon him the hatred of the inhabitants. His conduct was not conducive to the pacification of Michoacan; in fact, the whole province, with the exception of its capital and the immediate vicinity, revolted. After the fatal day at the bridge of Calderon, Muñiz, and a number of other chiefs who had sustained defeat there or elsewhere, took refuge in the rugged districts of Michoacan,^[40] where even the insalubrity of the climate in a large portion of the province served as protection. Here they soon gathered strength, and finally, by the cooperation of their forces, found themselves in a position to assume the offensive. Rayon, therefore, formed his plans, in concert with the other leaders, for a combined attack on Valladolid, and on the 29th of May the heights adjacent to the city were occupied by large bodies of insurgents, whose numbers were estimated by Trujillo at seven or eight thousand.^[41]

The besiegers without delay opened fire on the city with their artillery, which consisted of twenty-five pieces of different calibre. The effect, however, was insignificant, owing to the long range and poor gunnery. On the following day Antonio Linares, who had been sent from Guanajuato to the assistance of Trujillo, succeeded in entering the city before day light. The royalists now attacked the enemy and inflicted some loss, capturing two cannon and dislodging them from one of their positions. With this success Trujillo began preparations for a general assault, but the insurgent leaders, aware of the reënforcement, and disappointed at the absence of any demonstration in their favor on the part of the inhabitants, secretly retreated on the night of the 1st of June to Tacámbaro.^[42]

In the mean time events of great moment, which will be narrated in the following chapter, had occurred at Zitácuaro, and Rayon with a small escort had already proceeded thither. Previous to his departure, he organized the military government of the various districts. To Torres he assigned Pátzcuaro and Uruapan; to Navarrete, Zacapo; to Maríano Caneiga, Panindícuaro; to Muñiz, Tacámbaro; and to the guerrilla chief Luna, Acámbaro and Jerécuaro.

The insurgents now for some time confined their operations against Valladolid to a mere blockade, which though maintained at a distance effectually cut off Trujillo's communication with the capital. This inaction lasted nearly two months, during which Muñiz occupied himself in increasing his forces and armament. Cannon were cast, muskets were constructed of bronze,^[43] and every preparation made for a more determined effort. On the 19th of July the independent leaders, again reunited, appeared before the city, their forces now amounting to 10,000 or 12,000 men, with forty pieces of artillery.^[44] On the 20th Muñiz sent to Trujillo a peremptory summons to surrender if he would not see the city put to fire and sword.^[45] To this communication Trujillo vouchsafed no reply. On the 21st the insurgents opened fire, but with little effect;^[46] and on the following day, the city being invested on all sides, the attack commenced. The principal assault was directed against the southern entrance, under the immediate command of Muñiz. Trujillo, however, successfully repulsed it, driving the enemy back upon their lines with heavy loss, and capturing eight cannon. On the other side of the city affairs went otherwise. Robledo was unable to maintain his position at the Santa Catalina Gate, and Trujillo hastened to his assistance. On his entrance into the city he was filled with consternation at the confusion which prevailed. Men, women, and children in wild alarm were rushing through the streets, shrieking and wailing, and proclaiming that the city was in the power of the insurgents. Soldiers were flying from their posts, and all seemed lost. Trujillo, however, displayed rare courage and presence of mind. Raising the cry of victory, and that Calleja was approaching, he succeeded in allaying the panic, and hurried forward to the Santa Catalina gate.

There the greatest disorder prevailed; the artillery was dismounted or in the hands of the enemy; the soldiers were fleeing, casting down their arms, and throwing off their uniforms. Arresting the flight with orders to kill all who did not rejoin their ranks, Trujillo sallied on to the plain and attacked the enemy. He was, however, compelled to retire; and although in a second charge he gained some slight advantage, his position was desperate. His troops were giving way at other points, and all was apparently lost. At this crisis, when the victory of the insurgents was no longer doubtful, to the inexpressible amazement of the royalists, the besiegers retired from the contest, retreating in good order, but abandoning twenty-two cannon to the enemy. Divers reasons are assigned as the cause of this extraordinary movement. Some at tribute it to the miraculous interposition of the image of the saviour in the sacristy of the cathedral. Trujillo claimed that the valor displayed by a portion of his troops caused the insurgents to withdraw; but the more probable explanation is that advanced by Bustamante, namely, the failure of ammunition and the envy and jealousy of Muñiz, who, being the only one who had sustained repulse during the day, refused to furnish the other chiefs with cartridges when their own supply became exhausted.^[47] With criminal selfishness he refused to others the success in which he could not share. The insurgents pursued their way unmolested to Acuicho, while Trujillo, bewildered with astonishment, in the exuberance of his joy, was so far forgetful of himself as to liberate more than 300 prisoners from the jails and dungeons of the city.^[48]

 

 

1. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 301-2.
2. On the 30th of July, 1811, Venegas issued a proclamation to the effect that the period for which the induito had been extended was expired, and that such as had not availed themselves of it were to consider themselves excluded, especially those who still continued to excite or aid insurrection. Id., 690. Nevertheless, it was still not refused to those who begged that it might be granted to them. Many of those thus pardoned again took part with the revolutionists when the temporary peril in which they found themselves was passed. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 231.
3. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 408. It was generally believed that Valladolid was the birthplace of Morelos, and the name of that city was consequently changed in 1828 to Morelia, in honor of the patriot. Alaman, however, supports Bustamante. Hist. Mej., iii. ap. 85. In Id., iv. ap. 47-8, will be found a copy of Morelos' registry of baptism at Valladolid. The full name given to him was José María Teclo.
4. On one occasion, while pursuing a bull, he was thrown senseless from his horse by coming in contact with the branch of a tree. The blow caused a permanent scar on his face. Id., ii. 316.
5. The Spanish expression for this grade of collegiate is capense. Some authors state that he entered the college at the age of twenty-five. Negrete, Hist. Mil. Mex. Sig. XIX., i. 313.
6. 'Aquella crueldad calculada, con que friamente volvió sangre por sangre, y pagó á sus enemigos centuplicados los males que de ellos recibió.' Such is Alaman's unfair appreciation of him! Hist. Mex., ii. 342.
7. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 284-9; Bustamante, Elogio Morelos; Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 315-16, 342-4, 423-4; Mex. Refut. Art. Fondo, 12-15; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 154, 401; Zavala, Rev. Mex., 56-8, 63-4, 68-9; Gallo, Hombres llust., iv. 7-16.
8. These instructions were to the effect that Morelos in the towns through which he might pass should collect the arms and assume and reëstablish the government, reinstating under suitable guaranties those who had previously held office, provided they were not Europeans; in such cases, he was empowered to appoint others. Europeans were to be captured by him, and their property confiscated and used in the payment of his troops. The captives were to be sent to the nearest intendencia. Opportunity was to be given to such Europeans as were married to unite their respective families, in order that they might retire to their own country, or be removed to some island which would be selected for their destination. The main object of this expedition to the south was the capture of the port of Acapulco. Declaracion de Morelos, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., vi. 18. Negrete, who evidently never saw the declaration of Morelos, quotes a long passage out of Alaman, who very clearly, and almost in Morelos' own words, recounts the particulars of this interview between the two leaders. The language of Alaman is mystery and confusion, however, to Negrete, who naively confesses that he does not under stand him. Hist. Mil. Mex. Sig. XIX., i. 317.
9. Martinez accompanied Morelos during the first five months of the campaign, and was then sent back to Zacatula with the title of comandante of that port, to which the prisoners taken in future were sent. Declaracion de Morelos, 19.
10. General Nicolás Bravo says that a drummer boy of the insurgents, in his effort to conceal himself, climbed a tree, and noticing the flight of the royalists reported it to the fleeing revolutionists, who thereupon rallied, and collected the arms of their opponents, which had been cast away in the panic. Bustamante asserts that the insurgents rallied at the cry of a parrot perched on a tree-top, shouting, 'Fuego! fuego!' when they began to run. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 319.
11. Guevara was the father of General Nicolás Bravo's wife. Id., ii. 321.
12. Declaracion de Morelos, 20. Venegas, in his attempt to mislead the public, published a garbled account, saying among other things that the loss of the royalists was next to nothing, while that of the insurgents amounted to 200 killed. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 61-2.
13. A light was shown on the fort at 4 o'clock a.m. Declaracion de Morelos, 20-1.
14. This man, called simply Elias by Morelos, with three others of his countrymen, whose names were David, Colle, and William Alendin, had been detected in mapping the country, and were imprisoned at Acapulco, whence they effected their escape, and assisted the insurgents in their night attack upon Páris at Tres Palos. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 9.
15. Negrete says that Morelos mentions that only one piece was captured. The words of Morelos were: 'Quitado toda su artilleria, excepto una sola pieza.' See Mex. Sig. XIX., iv. 195. See Orozon's account, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 285.
16. The forces left under Hernandez numbered about 2,200. Of these, 1,000 were stationed in an intrenched position on the Sabana. the remainder occupying in detachments posts at Aguacatillo, Veladero, las Cruces, and a point at the foot of the cuesta. Declaracion de Morelos, 21.
17. Hernandez had the cowardice to flee when Cosío drew near his position, and his soldiers selected Galeana to lead them. Ib.
18. There were three brothers, Leonardo, Miguel, and Victor. Nicolás Bravo was the son of Leonardo, and had lately married the daughter of Guevara. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 334. Bustamante states that these brothers, in order to escape from the importunities of the comandantes of Tixtla and Chilapa, who persisted in requiring their services against the revolutionists, retired to their hacienda at Chichihualco, and secreted themselves in a cave called Michapa, where they remained for seven months. While here they received a letter forwarded to them from Morelos, describing the sufferings of his troops from hunger, and soliciting aid. They responded, and their help contributed greatly to the victory which a detachment of Morelos under Hermenegildo Galeana gained over the royalists in an action at the hacienda, of Chichihualco. Cuad. Hist., ii. 15-10.
19. The cura of Tixtla delayed for some little time the entrance of the victors into the church by the elevation of the host at the entrance. Id., ii. 17. This afforded an opportunity to the leading officers and a portion of the troops to effect their escape. Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 301.
20. Parte de Morelos, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col Doc., iii. 337. The figures in this despatch addressed to Rayon the day after the battle differ some what from those given by Morelos in his declaration, four years later.
21. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 330-9; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 17-18; Declaracion de Morelos, 21-2; Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 301-3. Both Bustamante and Mora differ with the statements of Morelos as regards the number of his forces and those of the prisoners and guns captured. On the 10th of Sept. Morelos issued a burlesque proclamation, announcing the disappearance on the 18th of Aug. of the junta patriotica, which had been established by Fuentes in Chilapa. He exhorts the viceroy and intendentes of the provinces to publish this announcement, in order that the whereabouts of the junta may be discovered and reported to him. Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 358.
22. One of the four men from the U. S. who had escaped from Acapulco and joined Morelos.
23. 'Para negociar la alianza con los Estados vnidos.' Declaracion de Morelos, 43.
24. Ib. Morelos feared a public execution might cause disturbance, as the conspirators had many adherents in the army. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., ii. 20-2. This author omits to make mention of the deception practised on them by Morelos, who himself makes the admission in his declaration: 'Resulto la muerte de aquellos dos que se les mando dar en Chilapa hasta donde los condujo con el pretesto de darles una expedicion para Oaxaca.' p. 23. He moreover seems to have been unaware that David and Tabares had been despatched as commissioners to the U. S., asserting that they had been sent to Rayon to inform him of the situation in the south.
25. Bustamante states that at this time Rayon received an order, bearing the signature of Allende, to place at the disposal of Elizondo the troops under his command. Cuad. Hist., i. 199. Rayon could only conclude that such a command was a fabrication of the royalists, and paid no heed to it.
26. According to Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 168. Ochoa in his report of the 3d of April states that Rayon's army amounted to 6,000 men, 2,000 of whom were cavalry. He had also 24 pieces of artillery and six culverins. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 1220.
27. Id., 1811, ii. 1200-3, 1218-22, contains a copy of Ochoa's detailed report of this engagement. The brigadier Ponce, who with four soldiers had separated from the main body of the revolutionists in order to observe the retreat of the enemy, was made captive after being mortally wounded. Before his death he communicated to Ochoa the plans of Rayon. Id., 1220.
28. José María Ansorena, who had been made intendente of Valladolid by Hidalgo, died in great suffering from the effects of this juice, at the colegio de misioneros de Guadalupe, about a league from Zacatecas. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 262.
29. Bustamante gives a detailed account of Rayon's march from Saltillo, having obtained it personally from Rayon. Cuad. 11 1st., i. 200-4. Alaman, to whom Rayon also narrated the events, corroborates Bustamante in all main particulars. Hist. Mej., ii. 261.
30. Id., ii. 262; Mora, Mej. y sus Rev., iv. 170-2; Bustamante, quoting from the Abispa de Chilpancingo, no. 19, relates that in the attack on the royalist camp a small cannon was brought into play by the revolutionists. The gun-carriage being broken, a soldier voluntarily supplied its want by placing himself on his hands and knees and supporting the piece on his back. The recoil of the piece shattered his spine at the first discharge; this did not, however, deter one of his comrades from following his example, who being well covered with sacking sustained little injury. When the camp was taken, the first soldier, then at the point of death, asked if the shot which had been fired from his back had taken effect. Being answered in the affirmative, he exclaimed, 'Pues bien, ahora muero con gusto!' and soon after expired. Cuad. Hist., i. 205-6.
31. The owners were Spaniards, the chief being Fermin de Apezechea, who had retired to Mexico. Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 263.
32. Rayon caused it to be coined. Although the coins were of inferior workmanship, they were preferred at Vera Cruz, their value being at the rate of nine reales to the peso fuerte. They bore the initials L. V. O., which according to Bustamante meant, Labor vincit omxia. Cuad. Hist., i. 217. Negrete suggests another interpretation of the letters, namely, Levantaos vivientes oprimidos. Mex. Sig. XIX., iv. 86.
33. Rayon y Liceaga, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 279-80. This manifest was forwarded to Calleja by a commission composed of Rayon's brother José" María, a Franciscan padre named Gotor, who had formerly been Calleja's chaplain and had some ascendency over him, and three Spaniards, the only ones who had remained in Zacatecas, and whom Rayon generously sent in order that they might escape from insult or outrage at hands of his troops. Calleja responded to this liberality by causing Rayon's brother to be arrested: He was, however, liberated by the influence of the conde de Casa Rul, who took this opportunity of showing his gratitude for the kind treatment he had received during the time he was a captive of Hidalgo with García Conde and Merino. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 207, 210.
34. Contestacion de Calleja, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 280-1. Bustamante makes the strange statement that Calleja offered to maintain Rayon in possession of the funds in his power, which amounted to over $1,000,000. Cuad. Hist, i. 210. Not one word of such a proposal appears in Calleja's reply.
35. Parte de Calleja, in Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 282; Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 424-5. Calleja, however, caused 13 of the insurgents to be shot. Bustamante, Caud. Hist., i. 216.
36. Empáran gives an exaggerated account of the number slain: 'Se vieron,' the insurgents, 'precisados á ceder el Campo con mil y ochocientos á dos mil Cadáberes.' Hernandez y Dávalos, Col. Doc., iii. 283. Alaman, who received his information from the lieutenant-colonel, José María Bustarnante, attached to the artillery of the revolutionists, states that the ammunition wagons being cased with tin, the glitter afforded an excellent mark for the enemy's gunners. One of the wagons struck by a shot caused great disorder. Hist. Mej., ii. 269. Negrete adds that the shot caused the explosion of the ammunition. Mex. Sig. XIX., iv. 51.
37. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 471-2. The ammunition was of such inferior quality that the greater portion of it was useless. This explains the insignificant loss sustained by the royalists, who had only four wounded. Ib. Bustamante's account intimates that Rayon only made a show of resistance in order to secure the retreat of his main body. Cuad. Hist., i. 214. This version, in view of the disastrous result, is not credible.
38. Id., Campañas de Calleja, 112-13.
39. These leaders were respectively the revolutionary commanders in the departments of Pátzcuaro and Tacámbaro in Michoacan. Id., Cuad. Hist., i. 215.
40. Trujillo, in a letter to the viceroy dated June 2, 1811, reports 'la reunion de mas de doce cabecillas, que por haberlos echado de todas partes las armas del Rey se han refugiado á esta provincia al abrigo de sus montes y recursos. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 502.
41. 'Su total muchos lo hacen subir á doce mil enemigos, pero yo creo no pasaba, de siete á ocho mil, sin que sea exágerado.' He also mentions the names of the chiefs opposed to him: el clérigo Navarrete and others of the religious order, and the captain-generals Muñiz, Torres, Rayon, Liceaga, Huidrobo, Salto, Carrasco, and Ramos, 'con otros de inferior jaez.' On their approach against the city the division under Torres was vigorously attacked, May 27th, by Captain Felipe Robledo, who after a contest of three hours was compelled to retreat with loss. Id., 499-506. In this engagement the left arm of Torres was shattered by a grape-shot. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 284.
42. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 500-6.
43. 'Que como los arcabuces del tiempo de la conquista, eran muy pesados y se disparaban con mecha necesitando dos hombres para su manejo.' Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 304; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 284.
44. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 670-1. Bustamante states that the artillery consisted of 22 guns. Cuad. Hist., i. 284.
45. Gaz. de Mex., 1811, ii. 807.
46. Bustamante states that a soldier of Trujillo, named Pelayo, observing that the elevation of the insurgents' guns was too great, sent a note to Muñiz informing him of the error. The messenger intrusted with the letter denounced Pelayo, who was immediately shot at the gallows, where his body was left hanging with the letter attached to his back. Cuad. Hist., i. 285; Alaman, Hist. Mej., ii. 306.
47. 'No quiso dar á los comandantes Anaya y otros ni un cartucho de mas de treinta cargas que salvó cuando fué derrotado: quo se mantuvo espectador . . .por no contribuir á la gloria de las columnas. . .que tuvierón mejor direccion, ó mejor suerte que la de Muñiz.' Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., i. 286.
48. The particulars of the operations against Valladolid have been derived from Trujillo's and other officers' reports published as quoted in the official gazette of Mexico, and from Bustamante. Other authors, as Mora, Mex. y sus Rev., iv. 235-9; Alaman, Hist. Mej. y ii. 300-8; Torrente, Rev. Hist. Am., i. 242-3; and Negrete, Mex. Sig. XIX., iv. 114-25, 151-2, 155-6, 159-75, supply no additional information, although in minor details some discrepancies are observable in their several narrations.