History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 4/Chapter 31

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXXI.

THE SOVEREIGN PROVISIONAL JUNTA.

1821-1822.

Installation of the Junta — Appointment of a Regency — Its Cabinet — O'Donojú's Death — Iturbide's Rewards — Army Promotions — Surrender of Perote, — Acapulco, and Vera Cruz — Murder of Colonel Concha — Flight of Europeans — The Press — Political Factions — Measures for Convoking Congress — Iturbide's Interference — Conspiracy — Its Failure — Condition of the Country — The Revenue — The Mining Industry — A Forced Loan and Arbitrary Measures — Reoganization of the Army — Union of Central America with the Empire — Measures for its Representation — Reflections on the Administration of the Junta.

AT half-past eight on the following morning the nominees selected by Iturbide for the formation of the junta provisional gubernativa, which was to be invested with the legislative power, assembled in the principal hall of the palace, O'Donojú being present. Iturbide briefly laid before them an outline of the principal matters to which they would have to give their attention, expressed his own obedience to their direction, and offered his services and those of the army for the maintenance of their authority. He then pronounced the junta formally installed, and the members thereupon proceeded to the cathedral, where the form of oath which had been agreed upon was administered, each individual swearing faithfully to observe the plan of Iguala and the treaty of Córdoba, and honorably discharge the duties he had been called upon to perform. The junta then withdrew to the chapter-hall and proceeded to appoint a president, Iturbide being unanimously elected. The te deum having been chanted, the junta adjourned until evening.

The first act of the junta when it reassembled was to issue the declaration of independence, by which Mexico was declared to be a sovereign nation, independent of Spain, with which it would maintain for the future no other union than that of friendship, on terms to be prescribed by treaty. Friendly relations with other powers would also be established. The act was signed by thirty-six members, the signature of Iturbide being first on the list.^[1] The next proceeding was the nomination of a regency as representative of the absent monarch, and constituting the executive power. It consisted of five members.^[2]

Those elected were: Iturbide, president; O’Donojú; Doctor Manuel de la Bárcena, governor of the bishopric of Michoacan; the oidor José Isidro Yañez; and Manuel Velazquez de Leon, formerly secretary of the viceregal government.^[3] As this appointment of Iturbide as president of the regency would interfere with his similar position in the junta, the bishop of Puebla was elected president of the latter assembly. On the 4th of October the regency formed its cabinet, Manuel Herrera ^[4] being appointed minister of foreign and internal affairs; Jose Dominguez Manzo, of justice and ecclesiastical matters; Antonio Medina, secretary of war and marine; and Rafael Perez Maldonado, minister of the treasury. To each minister a yearly salary of 8,000 pesos was assigned.^[5]

Hardly had the regency entered upon its functions when a vacancy occurred by the unexpected death of O'Donojú. Almost immediately on his arrival at the capital he had been attacked with pleurisy, and although the malady had at first taken a favorable turn and he was considered out of danger, a relapse set in, to which he rapidly succumbed. On the 7th of October the solemn rites of the viaticum were administered, and on the evening of the 8th he breathed his last. He was interred on the 10th in the chapel of Los Reyes in the cathedral, with all the honors and ceremonies observed at the sepulture of the viceroys. With the celebration of these funeral rites the last shadow of viceregal presence in New Spain passed away.^[6] The Mexican people retain the name of O'Donojú in grateful memory, and his act in signing the treaty of Córdoba is considered as a proof of an earnest desire to save the country from further bloodshed. It is true that the position in which he found himself on his arrival as viceroy was such as to preclude any other system of political action. Indeed, he had no alternative but to return to Spain, and thereby compromise the advantages which the Mexicans were still inclined to concede to the Spanish government. He recognized the importance at so critical a point in affairs of securing not only the lives and property of Spaniards in New Spain, but the right of the house of Bourbon to the Mexican throne. He was, moreover, of liberal principles, and, not blind to the justice of the colony's cause, had the courage not to shirk grave responsibility by unmanly departure; nor can he by so doing ever be regarded as having betrayed the interests of Spain. O'Donojú was circumspect, and bore a reputation for exacting strict obedience to orders. At a later date, vague and unjustifiable imputations against Iturbide relative to the cause of O'Donojú's death were rumored. Although his demise removed from the former's course the possibility of future opposition, no credence whatever can be given to such malicious reports. In recognition of the services rendered by his conciliatory line of action, the junta decreed a yearly pension of $12,000 to O'Donojú's widow,^[7] and recorded that positions should be given with preference to such members of his household as might wish to remain in the service of New Spain.

The election of a new member to fill the vacancy caused by O'Donojú's death fell upon the bishop of Puebla; and to supply his place as president of the junta Archbishop Fonte was appointed to that position. Fonte was, however, of too cautious and unambitious a nature to accept a distinction which entailed a compromised course of action; he therefore declined the honor on the plea of failing health, and Doctor José Miguel Guridi y Alcocer was elected in his stead.^[8] On the 12th the junta,^[9] in proof of the nation's gratitude to Iturbide, appointed him a yearly salary of $120,000, having previously conferred upon him the rank of generalissimo of the army and high admiral.^[10] The title also of 'His most serene highness' was bestowed upon him,^[11] and to his father, José Joaquin, were granted the honors and salary pertaining to a member of the regency.

While his own aggrandizement was thus secured, Iturbide naturally took care that the army should meet with a corresponding recognition of its services, and, as generalissimo, laid before the regency a list of promotions which he considered desirable. The regency approved his proposal and decreed the appointments without hesitation.^[12] At his suggestion, also, two medals were struck off and distributed to the army; but as a distinction in merit was observed by the difference of metals, and the colors of the ribbons with which they were worn,^[13] a jealousy was provoked which produced bad results. For the purpose of securing the tranquillity of the country, and the mutual support of the political and military powers, Iturbide on the 17th divided the country into live captain-generalcies, which he placed under the directions of Anastasio Bustamante, Pedro Celestino Negrete, Manuel Sotarriva, Domingo Estanislao Luaces, and Vicente Guerrero.^[14]

The dissolution of the. viceregal government was followed by the surrender of the few remaining places which had held out to the last. The only exception was the castle of San Juan de Ulúa, which by the end of October was Spain's solitary possession in the country. On the 9th of that month the fortress of Perote was surrendered by Captain Patricio Tejedor, the officer in command, to Santa Anna, who occupied the town the same day; and on the 15th the governor of Acapulco capitulated, the independent commander Isidoro Montesdeoca taking possession on the 16th. At Vera Cruz the climax in affairs had wrought a change in the opinions of the consulado and ayuntamiento, and those corporations were no longer eager to oppose the battalions of the independents as they had been a few months before.^[15] Aware that a Spanish force had been ordered to the port, the consulado addressed a letter to the ayuntamiento on October 6th, setting forth the impossibility of successful resistance, and the destruction and disasters which would follow if hostilities were persisted in. The ajuntamiento was, therefore, importuned to obtain from General Dávila an assurance that his future course would be so regulated as not to expose the lives and property of the inhabitants to danger.^[16] Dávila, however, paid no attention to the representations made to him, and in pursuance of his previous plan retired on the night of the 26th with the few troops he had to the castle, taking with him the heavy artillery, ammunition, and stores, as well as the funds in the treasury, amounting to $90,000. At the same time he authorized the ayuntamiento to treat with Santa Anna, who was now approaching. The ayuntamiento at once appointed Colonel Manuel Rincon governor ad interim to arrange for the capitulation of the town. Santa Anna entered Vera Cruz on the 27th, and on the same day the ayuntamiento passed an act recognizing the independence.^[17] Rincon was retained in his position as governor. A few days previous to this event Iturbide had received the gratifying news that the Yucatan peninsula had declared for independence, the oath having been taken in Mérida on the 15th of September.

As yet the oath had not been administered to the ayuntamiento, tribunals, and corporations of the city of Mexico, and the 27th of October having been appointed for the occasion, the ceremony took place with unusual solemnity. The form of oath exacted not only observance of the plan of Iguala and the treaty of Córdoba, but also the recognition of the soberana junta and obedience to its decrees.^[18] The same ceremony was ordered to be observed within one month from that date in all cities and towns where the oath had not yet been taken.

Thus far Iturbide's plans were crowned with success, and the separation from Spain was accomplished. Under the new order of affairs but few Europeans continued in public office, even such as the government was anxious to retain declining to serve under the changed regime. Notable among those who left the country was Bataller, the regent of the audiencia, to whom Iturbide in vain expressed his earnest desire that he would remain. Despite, moreover, the encouragement given to Spaniards to reside in New Spain by the 15th article of the treaty of Córdoba, they began to emigrate in great numbers, influenced, perhaps, more by dread of private vengeance than disgust at the independence. Their fears, indeed, had been acutely aroused by the murder of Manuel de la Concha on October 5th, while endeavoring to make his way out of the country. Concha had made himself an object of fierce hatred by his ruthless execution of prisoners,^[19] and his death was determined upon. When the army of Las Tres Garantías entered the capital he hastily departed for Vera Cruz. At Jalapa Santa Anna warned him that he had received information that his life was in danger, and supplied him with a small escort. Concha, however, believed that he could escape by disguising himself, and at dawn on the 5th left Jalapa in the dress of the common people. His precaution was useless. He was killed at a short distance outside the town.^[20] The effect of this assassination upon the resident Spaniards was startling, and the number of departures increased. Portions of the press, too, which now enjoyed full liberty, added to the alarm, certain writers making it their aim to keep alive the old enmity against the European interlopers, and impugning the guaranty of the plan of Iguala. To arrest this dangerous influence, the regency, by decree of October 22d, pronounced all authors of such malignant teachings guilty of treason against the nation, and subject to corresponding punishment.^[21] The edict had little effect. The guaranties of the plan of Iguala and of the treaty of Córdoba were still attacked, and on the 11th of December a sheet appeared,^[22] in which the author, Francisco Lagranda, exhorted the Spaniards to sell their property and leave the country, as the detestation in which they were held was so great that even Iturbide could not protect them, however willing he might be. The alarm created by this publication amounted to a panic, and extraordinary efforts to counteract the effect were made by the government. The departure of the mail was postponed till the following day, in order that the condemnation of the sheet might be simultaneous with its circulation in the country, and that the reiterated assurance on the part of the junta and regency of their determination to sustain the security of the lives and property of Europeans might be promulgated. Lagranda was arrested and condemned to six years' imprisonment, with the loss of his rights as a citizen, and an act was passed reforming the law regarding the liberty of the press.^[23] But this decisive action failed to restore confidence. So great was the number of Spaniards who requested their passports that Iturbide on the 15th laid a motion before the junta that the 10th article of the treaty of Córdoba, which granted Europeans full liberty of retiring with their fortunes from the country, should be suspended for ninety days; and on the 9th of January, 1822, it was decreed that no more passports should be issued until the congress which was to be convened passed its decision on the matter. Thus the Spaniards were deprived of the option of returning to Spain, and of the right even to withdraw their capital. Yet still the press succeeded in aggravating animosity against them. During this period it not only made the guaranty of the union the mark for its shafts, but also the form of government, the pomp displayed by which, under the circumstances of a scanty treasury, was ridiculed and many of its provisions censured.^[24] The party spirit, also, which was being developed, now began to be publicly exhibited, and two opposite factions were respectively represented by writers who advocated a republican form of government on the one side, and the elevation of Iturbide to the imperial throne on the other.

The action of the generalissimo had not given that general satisfaction which was necessary to secure harmony between the two great parties that had for so long a time opposed each other. He had almost ignored the services of the military chiefs who had fought under the insurgent banners, and with the exception of Guerrero, Bravo, and a few others, the names of revolutionary leaders were not found on the list of recipients of rewards and promotions. Arrogating to himself the credit of the consummation of independence, he left entirely out of sight the merits of those who had previously striven so hard to attain it, and instead of displaying an impartial appreciation alike of royalists and insurgents—denominations which indeed had virtually ceased to exist when the two sides coalesced as independents—his marked preference for the former caused just offence to the latter.^[25] The ill feeling thus early created soon assumed a practical form.

First among the important duties of the junta was the formation of a plan for the assembling of the national congress; and in this matter Iturbide must use all his cunning to further the ambitious views he secretly cherished. The system to be pursued in conducting the elections was, according to the treaty of Cordoba, that of the Spanish constitution; but this would not secure such a congress as the generalissimo hoped to see established. He wished it to be as subservient to himself as he had found the members of the regency. If it could be composed mainly of representatives not gifted with remarkable intelligence, and at the same well packed with more sagacious adherents of his own, his aim would be wellnigh accomplished. Accordingly, before the junta had read the form of convocation which had been drawn up by the commission appointed for that purpose, the regency urged it not to come to any resolution before it had heard certain suggestions which would shortly be laid before it. This led to long deliberations as to whether the junta could make any change in the mode of convoking congress as laid down in the Spanish constitution without infringing the treaty of Córdoba and plan of Iguala; but it finally passed a resolution that it had that power. On the 6th of November, therefore, the regency suggested that the future congress should be divided into two chambers, the one composed of deputies elected by the ecclesiastics and the military respectively, a procurator for the ayuntamiento of each city, and an attorney for each audiencia; the second chamber, from which the above classes were to be excluded, to consist of representatives chosen by the people at the rate of one for every 50,000 inhabitants.^[26] The proposal was approved by the junta, and as Iturbide mainly relied upon the army and clergy, he thereby secured to his interests at least one half of the future congress. But this was not all: on the 8th he laid before the junta a plan for the election designed by himself, the basis of which was that each profession and class should be represented by deputies chosen by itself.^[27] This caused further discussion. A commission, nominated by Iturbide himself, was appointed to examine and report on his plan, and on the 17th the junta, which had been assisted by the regency in its deliberations, arrived at its decision. The result was that Iturbide's plan was adopted in all the main points. It was made obligatory in those provinces which, sent up four or more deputies that three of these, but no more, should be respectively a church man, a military officer, and a magistrate or lawyer.

It was also made compulsory that the agricultural, mining, commercial, and artisan classes should be represented; the provinces in which these pursuits respectively predominated were designated and the number of corresponding deputies to be elected assigned. The total number of representatives was fixed at 162.^[28] During these proceedings Iturbide was very humble and unassuming in his protestations to the public. Neither his colleagues in the regency, his military comrades, nor himself, he proclaimed, were other than devoted subjects of the sovereign people.^[29] The public weal was the loadstar of his aspirations, and he would withdraw to the retirement of private life if such were his country's wish. Nevertheless, no one was deceived by these asseverations.

No one was blind to the fact that a blow had been struck at the liberty of the people in their sovereign right to select their representatives without restriction. It was generally understood that the limitation of the number of ecclesiastical, military, and juristic representatives, and their exclusion from the second chamber, were intended to deprive congress of the intelligence which particularly belonged to those classes owing to their superior education. Moreover, the declaration by the junta that the congress should be divided into two chambers was an assumption of a faculty outside its attributes. That a provisional junta should dictate constitutional laws to a future constituent assembly was ridiculous. But Iturbide expected to be made the president whenever the two chambers deliberated together, since obviously neither of the respective presidents could preside on such occasions.^[30]

The consequence of this policy was, as might be Expected, conspiracy. Such an arbitrary plan should not be carried into effect without an effort being made to prevent it. A plot was formed, the object of which was to secure the untrammelled liberty of election and the establishment of a republic. The conspirators were men already eminent, and among them were Guadalupe Victoria, Nicolás Bravo, the brigadier Miguel Barragan, Juan Morales, president of the supreme court of justice,^[31] the padres Carbajal and Jimenez. Captain Borja, and other officers. Secret meetings were held at the house of Miguel Dominguez—with whom the reader is already acquainted as former corregidor of Querétaro—and it was decided to address a representation to Iturbide; if this failed to obtain redress, then his person was to be seized, and a manifesto published setting forth the reason. The liberal ideas of Negrete being well known, a communication was sent to him at Guadalajara, but he despatched the letter to Iturbide, who took his measures accordingly.^[32]

On the night of the 26th of November, with great display of military force, seventeen of the principal conspirators were arrested, among whom were those already mentioned. When the night's work became known Iturbide was surprised at the murmurings which arose. His act inspired a fear that he would not be disinclined to reëstablish the ancient form of despotism. The adherents of the prisoners were numerous. Rigorous proceedings against them would hardly be safe, and most of them were liberated shortly afterward. Victoria and Morales, however, were treated with more severity, the latter not being released till the congress issued its decree of amnesty, and the former only avoiding similar durance by escaping from his dungeon.^[33]

 

In comparing the condition of New Spain after eleven years of strife with that at the commencement of the century, the contrast presents a striking retrogression. The revenue had been reduced so low as to be quite inadequate to cover the extravagant expenditure of the new government, which recklessly decreed large incomes and salaries, while. at the same time it diminished its small resources by reductions in the import duties, excise, and other imposts in order to make popular the independence. A new tariff was formed reducing all import duties to the single one of 25 per centum ad valorem, and the alcabala to 8 per centum.^[34] The tax on pulque was lowered from $3.121/2 the mule-load to 41/2 reales; so that the proceeds at the capital, which in 1810 had amounted to $283,336, only reached $87,591 in 1822. The productiveness of the tobacco monopoly was grievously affected by heavy debts owed to the growers of the plant, who, when funds were wanting wherewith to pay them, sold their tobacco to contraband dealers and immensely lessened the government sales.^[35] Commerce experienced a violent convulsion. Free-trade was opened to all nations; and as commercial relations with Spain were closed, and those with foreign countries were not yet established by treaties, trade was reduced to the lowest ebb, with corresponding loss to the treasury. Nor did it assume any importance until revived by the settlement of foreign merchants in the country. The possession of the fortress of Ulúa by the Spaniards was also an additional cause of decrease in revenue. Vessels which arrived at the port of Vera Cruz paid customs to the governor of the fort, and their cargoes were smuggled ashore, payment of the Mexican duties being evaded. All industries had fallen into decay, lamentably so that of mining. Rich mines had been abandoned, machinery and reduction works destroyed, and the funds employed annually by the viceregal government for the exchange of amalgam into coin had ceased to be supplied, which caused a great depreciation in the price obtained for it. At the same time the imposts on this industry were not only fully sustained, but exemptions on certain articles which had been granted for the purpose of promoting it had been removed. In its ruin it dragged down with it all other industries in mining districts, agriculture and mechanical crafts suffering in proportion. To remedy the evil, a commission was appointed to devise measures of relief.^[36] This proposed the exemption of quicksilver from all duties, whether it was imported or extracted in the country, and that gunpowder should be supplied to mining operators at prime cost.

These and other liberal relaxations were decreed by the junta on the 22d of November,^[37] and the resolution submitted to the regency, which, in view of the loss of at least $600,000 annually that the measure would entail on the treasury, urged that it should be modified. The junta accordingly again discussed the question on the 8th of February following; but convinced of the necessity of the measure, and persuaded that the inconvenience caused the government would be only temporary, confirmed its previous decree, which was published on the 18th. The scarcity of funds prevailed throughout the country, and the provinces, instead of being able to contribute to the general treasury, were compelled to appeal for subsidies. Yet in the face of these circumstances the new government, as I have said, was anything but economical. The grants to Iturbide, O'Donojú's widow, and others were heavy items; and the cost of ceremonial displays and celebrations of public rejoicing, though these were not out of place, was lavish; while the pay-roll, arrears, and clothing of the army called for large sums. In the emergency, the negotiation of a loan was the only means of relief; but how to effect it was the difficulty. The junta was well aware of the repugnance with which forced loans were regarded, and of the unfavorable impression and injury to its credit which would be created if it resorted to such a measure. It therefore endeavored to effect its object by an appeal to the corporations and wealthy individuals for voluntary subscriptions to the amount of 300,000, the monthly deficit. The call, however, was not responded to with that enthusiasm which contributors had shown little more than a decade before. The sum of $277,067 was all that was raised, and the junta felt compelled to employ the compulsory system in order to cover the monthly deficit. Its previous fears were now verified, and in the collection of the quotas assigned to individuals all kinds of difficulties were incurred, many persons even submitting to imprisonment in preference to paying their contingent. This led to measures still more arbitrary. In February an individual fine of $1,000 was imposed upon those who did not pay their quotas on the appointed date; and as coin was being noticeably withdrawn from circulation, the regency passed an order forbidding the custom-houses to issue the necessary papers for the exportation of money from any town. But this measure paralyzed internal trade and foreign commerce; and the junta modified it by allowing internal remittances to be made, but so trammelled the concession with red-tape regulations as to the destinations and employment of such funds, and by the imposition of 15 per centum deposits as security against shipments of money out of the country, that dissatisfaction was great; the idea, moreover, being conveyed that the aim was to exact this percentage as a duty on all Spanish capital that might be withdrawn in future. Though internal trade was thus somewhat relieved, foreign commerce was not benefited, and the government had to yield to the incessant representations made to it. On the 16th of February, therefore, it decreed that money might be shipped abroad, but only for commercial purposes and with the cognizance and permission of the regency. All these measures were in distinct violation of article 15 of the treaty of Córdoba.

A full statement of the income and expenses of the treasury for the first four months of the independence was published in January 1822. From the official sheets it appears that the total receipts amounted to $1,274,695 and the expenditures to $1,272,458, leaving a balance of $2,237,^[38] with which to commence the coming year.

 

After the occupation of the capital, it was found necessary to reorganize the army, no little disorder having been the consequence of the change in affairs. Officers' badges had been changed, and the devices of the banners altered; some regiments retained their old names, while others adopted new ones; desertion had greatly thinned the ranks, and arms were surreptitiously carried away; discipline was relaxed, numbers, abandoned the active service for other employments, and confusion generally prevailed. On the 7th of November the generalissimo issued orders for the thorough reorganization of the military forces. Seven regiments of infantry, designated by numerical order, were formed out of the troops then in the city, the old names by which the different corps had been distinguished being suppressed; an eighth regiment was formed in Vera Cruz, and provision made for the formation of the troops in Nueva Galicia and other provinces into five more regiments, making the number thirteen in all.^[39] The cavalry was divided into eleven regiments, also designated by numbers. The new system, however, caused great disgust; the old names were cherished by the troops with veneration as records of military glory, and the offence taken at their suppression was marked by increased desertion. By the end of the year the number of officers of all grades and that of the soldiers were ridiculously disproportionate.^[40]

When the junta had concluded what it considered its most important duties, it occupied itself in affairs of little moment, many of which did not belong to the province of legislative power. Much time was frittered away in attention to such matters as the election of female prelates of nunneries, the appointments of provincials of regular orders, and questions bearing upon university regulations. Lengthy discussions, too, were held on affairs of real gravity, without any definite result being attained. Its neglect, moreover, of others was highly blamable, It is inconceivable that it should have taken no effective steps to establish friendly relations with foreign powers. Almost its first duty ought to have been to apprise the Spanish government and all foreign nations of the establishment of the new empire. All it did, however, was to pass a resolution for the appointment of four envoys to be sent respectively to South America, the United States, England, and Rome; while with regard to Spain, which ought to have met with the first consideration, a similar disposition was withheld, and reserved for the future action of the congress.^[41] Thus the Spanish government was not even officially informed that the crown of the Mexican empire was held in reserve for Fernando if he chose to accept it.^[42]

During the last few weeks of its existence, the junta was occupied in making preparations for the ceremonials to be observed at the installation of the congress on the 24th of February. Meantime the elections had taken place,^[43] and the deputies were arriving at the capital. Events, however, had occurred in Central America which affected the composition of the national assembly. That country had declared its independence in September, and for several months had been divided in opinion on the question of union with the Mexican empire. The claims of different provinces to the right of individual independence were asserted with such heat as to lead to an outbreak of hostilities. Moreover, the provinces themselves were divided into factions, and anarchy for a time prevailed. At the instance of certain towns in Guatemala, a considerable force, under the command of the brigadier Vicente Filisola, had been sent by Iturbide in November to maintain order. In the midst of the confusion a communication, addressed by Iturbide on the 19th of October to Gainza, the captain-general of Guatemala, and setting forth the advantages of annexation, was printed and circulated in all towns, and an order issued for the popular vote to be everywhere taken on the matter. On the 5th of January the votes were counted, resulting in an immense majority in favor of immediate union with Mexico.^[44] When this fact be came known to the imperial government, it was necessary to provide for the representation of Central America in the congress, and as the proximity of the installation would not admit of the formally elected deputies arriving in time to be present at it, the government adopted the plan of appointing forty substitutes, natives of Central America, resident in New Spain, to represent those provinces. These were to resign their seats to the deputies as they arrived.

The provisional junta, now about to give place to the national congress, during the five months of its existence had committed many glaring errors. In the first place it had assumed prerogatives which did not belong to it, and its appropriation of the title 'soberana junta' and that of 'your majesty,' by which it was ceremoniously addressed, was nothing less than a usurpation. No sooner was it installed than it arrogated to itself faculties more extensive than those enjoyed by the Spanish córtes. While its duties were clearly limited to the appointment of a regency, the convocation of congress as speedily as possible, and to the regulation of such matters only as admitted of no delay, it at once launched itself upon a comprehensive course of legislation. With unnecessary haste it decreed an immense salary for Iturbide, and what was worse, elevated him to such high rank as to give him ascendency over the regency, and render the authority which he attained incompatible with that of any government. It changed the customs tariff, and made important alterations in the excise, matters which should have been deferred to the action of the congress. It violated the treaty of Córdoba, and wasted time on matters outside its province, instead of confining itself to the prompt despatch of important business. More over, its acquiescence to Iturbide, who was the proposer of all important acts decreed by it, signally marked the fundamental error it committed in his elevation an error which entailed its own subserviency to him and consequent weakness. Nevertheless, it must not be considered that these mistakes were entirely the fault of the individuals who composed the junta. They proceeded rather from the political opinions which began to prevail after the installment of the córtes at Cádiz. The assumption by the junta of congressional powers was in keeping with the principles that had been practised in Spain, and in view of the inexperience of the members and their little political knowledge, it is not to be wondered that the junta mistook the object for which it was established, and imitated the precedents presented in Spain.

 

 

1. The signatures are as follows: Agustin de Iturbide, Antonio obispo de la Puebla, Juan O’Donojú, Manuel de la Bárcena, Matías Monteagudo, José Yañez, Lie. Juan Francisco de Azádrate, Juan José Espinosa de los Monteros, José María Fagoaga, José Miguel Guridi y Alcocer, El marqués de Salvatierra, El conde de Casa de Heras Soto, Juan Bautista Lobo, Francisco Manuel Sanchez de Tagle, Antonio de Gama y Córdoba, José Manuel Sartorio, Manuel Velazquez de Leon, Manuel Montes Argüelles, Manuel de la Sota Biva, El marqués de San Juan de Rayas, José Ignacio García Illueca, José María de Bustamante, José María Cervantes y Telasco, Juan Cervantes y Padilla, José Manuel Velazquez de la Cadena, Juan de Horbegoso, Nicolás Campero, El conde de Jala y de Regla, José María de Echevers y Valdivielso, Manuel Martinez Mansilla, Juan Bautista Raz y Guzman, José María de Jáuregui, José Rafael Suarez Pereda, Anastasio Bustamante, Isidro Ignacio de Icaza; Juan José Espinosa de los Monteros, vocal srio. Two copies of this act were engrossed, one for the government and the other for the junta, the latter of which is preserved in the sessions-hall of the chamber of deputies. In this copy the signature of O’Donojú does not appear, as he was prostrated with sickness, the space where his name ought to be signed being left in blank. In the printed copies which were published it was, however, inserted, as he had signed the draft. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 52-5; Mex. Col. Leyes Fund., 13-14; Derecho Intern. Mex., 3d pt., 493-4; Voz. de Mex., Set. 27, 1881; Bustamante, Cuad. Hist., iv. ap. 26-30. The other engrossed copy was sold by a faithless official to a virtuoso. Alaman, while minister for foreign affairs, learned that it was in France, and offered a large sum of money for it, but to no purpose. Hist. Méj., v. 338.
2. Although by the treaty of Córdoba it was stipulated that the regency should be composed of only three members, Iturbide and O’Donojú afterward agreed that five would be a more desirable number. Their opinion was opposed by Fagoaga and the bishop of Puebla, both of whom maintained that the smaller number would transact business more expeditiously, the latter exclaiming: 'Ojalá que solo fuese uno el regente, y que tuviese dos colegas ò asociados como consultores.' Id., v. 338-9.
3. Disposic. Varias, ii. f. 47; Notic. Gen., 1st Oct. 1821, 1-4; Gaz. Imp. Mex., i. 7-8. The members took the oath on the following day. In its decrees the regency adopted the title of 'La Regencia del Imperio, Gobernadora interina á falta del Emperador.'
4. The same ecclesiastic who had been sent by Morelos to negotiate with the government of the United States.
5. The members of the regency had a salary of 10,000 pesos each. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 553.
6. A full account of his obsequies will be found in Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 35-40. O'Donojú was lieut-gen. of the Spanish armies, and decorated with the grand cross of the orders of Carlos III. and San Hermenegildo. Disposlc. Varias, ii. f. 47.
7. As long as she resided in New Spain. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 51-2.
8. Disposic. Varias, ii. f. 52-3.
9. It now styled itself La soberana junta provisional gubernativa del Imperio Mexicano. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 71.
10. 'Generalísimo de las Armas del Imperio de mar y tierra.' His salary was to date from the 24th of February, the day on which he proclaimed the plan of Iguala. With becoming modesty, Iturbide, in tendering his thanks, disclaimed all title to the salary corresponding to the period from that date to the 23th of September, amounting to $71,000, and resigned it for the benefit of the army. The regency ordered this act to be published, in order that the empire might have additional proof of the 'elevated patriotism and sublime virtues of its liberator.' Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 71-4. Somewhat later the sum of $1,000,000 was granted him, and 20 leagues square of the government lands in Texas. Owing to the course of events, these grants were never carried into effect.
11. 'Pero en los escritos que se le dirijan se omitirá la antefirma para conservar esta distincion á la regencia.' Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 500. He was consequently addressed in official documents 'Serenísimo señor.'
12. Pedro Celestino Negrete was made lieut-gen.; Anastasio Bustamante, Luis Quintanar, Vicente Guerrero, Manuel de la Sotarriva, and Domingo Estanislao de Luaces, maj.-generals; Melchor Álvarez, José Antonio Andrade, Marqués de Vivanco, and Manuel María Torres Valdivia, full brigadiers; Nicolás Bravo, José Joaquin de Herrera, José Antonio Echávarri, Miguel Burragan, Joaquin Parrés, and Juan Horbegoso, brevet brigadiers; and Luis Cortazar, Agustin Bustillos, the conde de San Pedro del Álamo, and Epitacio Sanchez, colonels. Promotions of subalterns and lower grade officers were to be effected later on the recommendation of the superior chiefs. Gac. Imp. Hex., i. 93-7; Empleos Milit.
13. The design represented two worlds disunited, the chain with which they had been previously joined being broken. The modal bore the legend, Orbem ab orbe solvit. One medal was bestowed upon those who had adopted the plan of Iguala during the period from March 2d to June 15th, the other to those who had done likewise after the latter date to Sept. 2d. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 93; Bustamante Cuad. Hist., vi. 20.
14. The provinces under the command of these captain-generals were respectively: the provincias internas of the Oriente and Occidente; Nueva Galicia, Zacatecas, and San Luis Potosi; Mexico, Querétaro, Valladolid, and Guanajuato; Vera Cruz, Pucbla, Oajaca, and Tabasco; and the jurisdictions of Tlapa, Chilapa, Tixtla, Ajuchitlan, Ometepec, Tecpan, Jamiltepec, and Teposcolula. These latter districts were segregated from the captain-generalcies of Mexico and Puebla, and conferred upon Guerrero in consideration of his services. Gac. de Guad., 31st Oct. 1821, sup. ii.
15. In June they had united in sending to Spain a petition for assistance. Orders had consequently been given for the light battalion of Cataluña stationed at Habana to embark at once with 100 artillerymen for Vera Cruz. The consulado of Cádiz informed the corporation at Vera Cruz of these dispositions by letter of August 14th. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 341-2.
16. For copy of the consulado's representation, see Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 145-55.
17. Id., i. 126-7. Santa Anna seems to have been somewhat outreached by Dávila. According to a despatch of his to Iturbide, dated Oct. 18th, he held a conference on that day in Vera Cruz with Dávila, who assured him that he would capitulate. So confident was Santa Anna that he writes: 'Aseguro á V. E. que dentro de ocho ó diez dias tremolará el pabellon Mexicano en la plaza y castillo de Veracruz.' Id., 92.
18. I copy the form verbatim from the bando published on the 13th: '¿Reconoceis la Soberanía de este Imperio representada por su Junta provisional gubernativa? ¿Jurais obedecer sus decretos, observar las garantías proclamadas en Iguala por el Ejército del Imperio Mexicano con su primer Gefe, los tratados celebrados en la Villa de Córdoba y desempeñar fielmente vuestro encargo en servicio de la Nacion? Si así lo hiciereis Dios os ayude, y si no os lo demande.' Id., i. 102.
19. He kept a register of the numbers he put to death, which he called his 'becerro de muerte.' Four years previous to his death, at the execution of some unfortunate captives at Huamantla, he produced this dreadful record, and the number then amounted to more than 1,800! See note in Santa Anna, Muerte, del Señor Concha.
20. His murderers escaped, despite the efforts made to arrest them. This gave rise to the suspicion that the authorities had no particular wish to apprehend them.
21. Gac. Imp. Hex., i. 132-5.
22. Entitled Consejo prudente sobre una de las Garantías. Id., i. 341.
23. Consult Id., i. 305-16, 341-8, 376-80. In the decree passed December 20th the junta defined clearly the fundamental bases of the constitution, to write against or satirize which was declared illegal. Owing to the arduous duties of the alcaldes in the capital, particularly with respect to their decisions relative to abuses of the liberty of the press, their number was. increased to six. In Mexico City, and every other capital town where there were more than two printing-presses, two fiscals were to be appointed whose duty it would be to examine all publications before issued, and denounce such as contained infringements of the law to the alcaldes. Lagranda was fortunate enough to escape with only a few months' imprisonment, being allowed the benefit of the indulto general granted when congress was installed in March following. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 512.
24. At this time Bustamante published a weekly periodical, styled La Abispa de Chilpancingo, a few copies of which exist in the library of Madrid. He dedicated it to the memory of Morelos, and each number in particular to some insurgent chief. This was sufficient to gain for him the enmity of Iturbide, and when in the fifth issue he held up to ridicule the impecuniosity of the imperial government, he was arrested and imprisoned. His confinement, how ever, only lasted a few hours. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 407-8. During this year he also published his Galeria de Príncipes Mexicanos, Tultecas y Aculhuas, compiled from some manuscripts of Boturini Benaducci, and began to issue his Cuadro Histórico de la Revolucion Mexicana, as I find a notice of these works on page 100 of the Gaceta Imperial de México, tom. i. The periodicals published in the capital were at first limited to the last-named gazette, which was the government organ, and El Noticioso General, which expressed the opinions of no political party, but was confined to the publication of decrees of the junta, resolutions of the government, and news from Spain. On the 5th of Dec., however, the Gaceta del Sol made its appearance. This was an important political organ established by the masonic order. The arrival of O'Donojú had given a great impulse to this society, the persons who had accompanied him having joined existing lodges and established others. One of these latter was named 'la logia del Sol,' and to it the periodical of the same name owes its origin. It was edited by Manuel Codorniu, a physician who had accompanied O'Donoju from Spain. The object of it was to sustain the plan of Iguala, to propagate the liberal principles which were gaining ground in Spain, to exclude the clergy from intervention in the education of the young, and to foment the Lancastrian system of schools, one of which was established in the capital, also under the name 'del Sol.' From this time the influence of the masonic orders waxed strong, and soon became a political power in the land.
25. This was particularly observable in Iturbide's anxiety to retain Spaniards in office. In his memorial, written at Leghorn in Sept. 1823, he says: 'Todos los europeos que quisieron seguir la suerte del pais, conservaron los empleos que obtenian, y fueron ascendidos sucsesivamente á aquellos á, que tenian derecho por sus servicios y méritos.' Carrera, Mit. y Pol., 13.
26. Noticioso General, 14th Nov. 1821, 2-4.
27. The number of deputies to be elected by each class was not to be decided by the number which composed it, but by its importance and intelligence. Iturbide proposed that the congress should be composed of 120 numbers thus apportioned: of the ecclesiastics, 18 representatives; of the agricultural, mining, artisan, and commercial classes, 10 each; of the army and navy, 9; of the officials in the government departments and in that of justice, 24; of the professional faculties, 18; of titled noblemen, 2; and of the common people, 9. In the election of most of these deputies the popular vote was left out of the question, the ecclesiastical chapters, military staff-officers, the consulados, the master artisans, university faculties, colleges of lawyers, and so forth being the electors. Id., 12th Nov. 1821, 3-4. No more arbitrary plan could well be designed.
28. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 217-30. The apportionment was as follows: The intendencias Mexico, including Querétaro, 28; Guadalajara, 17; Puebla, Oajaca, and Valladolid, each 14; Vera Cruz, Guanajuato, and San Luis Potosí, 7 each; Mérida, 11; Zacatecas, 4; Tlascala, 1. The provincias internas de Oriente—Nuevo Leon, Nuevo Santander, Coahuila, and Texas, each 1. The provincias internas de Occidente—Durango, 23; Arizpe, 8; New Mexico, 1; Upper and Lower California, each 1. Id., 231.
29. See his proclamation in Még. Bosquejo Rev., 130-3. This work, issued under the nom de plume 'Un Verdadero Americano,' was published in Philadelphia in 1822, and attributed to Rocafuerte. The writer was of strong republican tendencies and a denouncer of Iturbide; he states that he left Mexico and retired to the United States in order that he might not be a witness of the tyranny with which he saw his country was going to be oppressed. His book contains a valuable selection of proclamations, government papers, and discourses of the time, which the author deemed it necessary thus to preserve while they still existed, since it would be easy for the supreme power to collect and destroy such disgraceful documents, and thereby hide the traces of the path pursued in the attainment of the most shameless ambitious aspirations.
30. Iturbide's remarks on the plan, written while an exile at Leghorn, can not be read without a smile at the coolness with which its faults are charged to the junta. 'La convocatoria,' he says, 'era defectuosisima, pero con todos sus defectos fue aprobada, y yo no podia mas que conocer el mal y sentirlo.' Carrera, Mil. y Pol, 19-20.
31. Morales was editor of a paper styled El Hombre libre. Bustamante, Cuad. Hist,, vi. 24.
32. This is the account of the discovery as given by Alaman. Hist. Méj., v. 410. The author of Még. Bosquejo Rev., 135, charges other persons, including Ramon Rayon, with divulging the plot. 'Ellos—i. e., the conspirators—deberan estar muy agradecidos á D. Ramon Rayon, al teniente D. Juan Garcia, y á otros viles denunciantes que. . . la frustraron revelándola á Iturbide.'
33. Bustamante was chosen by Victoria as his advocate. This writer states that his escape was effected by Doctor Codorníu—the editor of El Sol—Manuel Carrasco, and Juan de Echarte, all of whom were Spaniards. Cuad. Hist., vi. 24. Bravo was released by order of Iturbide dated Dec. 19th, no proof of conspiracy being found against him. Gac. Imp. Hex., i. 349-50, Alluding to this affair in his autobiographical sketch published in 1828, he says: 'Yo crei de mi deber en circunstancias tan críticas dar algunos pasos para secundar el espíritu público, y el fruto de mi tentativa fué una prision.' Manifesto, 9.
34. The prohibitions were removed from nearly all articles of foreign importation. The tariff was formed on a liberal plan, but serious mistakes were made. One of the few prohibited articles was raw cotton, while cotton goods, woollen cloths and stuffs, ready-made clothing, sugar, and all kinds of eatables were allowed to be imported. Such regulations affected the industries of the country, especially the manufacture of cotton goods, which was temporarily ruined. A copy of the tariff is supplied by Dublan and Lozano, who have inserted it in their Leg. Mex., i. 507-87, on account of its historical interest as being the first Mexican tariff.
35. In order to improve the condition of this branch of the revenue, Iturbide was authorized to raise a loan of $1,500,000, for which he applied to the cathedral chapters, with but little success. Decreto de 2 de Enero, 1822.
36. Composed of Fagoaga, Brigadier Horbegoso, and José Maria Bustamante. Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 440-1.
37. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., i. 563-4. Azcárate even proposed that the industry should be freed from every kind of impost for six years. Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 191. His motion was not adopted on account of the great loss to the revenue.

38. Thus exhibited:	Receipts.
    ⁠From ordinary sources	$966,724
    ⁠Donations	30,904
    ⁠Voluntary loan.	277,067
    	————	$1,274,695

     

    	Expenditures.
    ⁠Infantry	$333,107
    ⁠Cavalry	408,669
    ⁠Army arrears	230,937
    ⁠Freight for army	19,325
    ⁠Iturbide's salary	108,462
    ⁠Government departments	150,005
    ⁠Cuerpos facultativos	21,953
    	————	$1,272,458
    		—————
    ⁠Balance		2,237

    Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 452-3.

39. Mex. Notic. Hist. Inf., 3 ets eq. The imperial grenadiers formed a separate battalion, which was the only one which preserved its name.
40. By referring to the official army lists published in the Gac. Imp. Mex., i. 432, 430, 452, I find from the reviews held in Oct., Nov., and Dec., that the numbers of the forces, including non-commissioned officers, were respectively 10,447, 12,220, and 11,409. Of this latter number 3,101 were sergeants, corporals, and musicians, reducing the privates to 8,308. These were commanded by 1,802 officers, from the grade of col to that of sub-lieut. The proportion, therefore, of soldiers to officers of all grades was less than two to one.
41. Actas de la junta, 7th Feb. 1822.
42. Spain was far from disinclined at first to recognize at once the independence of Mexico. A paragraph of a letter from one of the deputies to the Spanish córtes was published in the Gac. Imp. Mex. of Nov. 20, 1821, pp. 186-7; and the writer distinctly states the readiness of Spain to arrive at an amicable agreement without the further employment of force. But the base of the colony's independence would have to be the security of the property and persons of Europeans: 'Salvo esto, el derramamiento de sangre y el anuncio siquiera de un gobierno libre, el Congreso español se aviene á todo, y protejerá dignamente la Independencia. No hay ya ambicion de tesoros ni de mandar á 2 mil leguas.' The imperial government, however, acted on this essential point in a way directly hostile to the Spaniards by depriving them of the rights conceded to them by the treaty of Córdoba.
43. The 24th of Dec. had been appointed as the day for the popular election of the members of the new ayuntamientos of the towns. Each ayuntamiento then selected one of its number as district elector. On the 14th of Jan. 1822, all the electors of each district met at the chief town and appointed the provincial elector, who in union with the other provincial electors similarly chosen appointed the deputies to congress on the 28th. Gac, Imp. Mex., i. 223-4.
44. Rev. Cent. Amer., 3-11.