Wikisource

History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 10

< History of Mexico (Bancroft)‎ | Volume 5
←
History of Mexico (Bancroft) (1886)
by Hubert Howe Bancroft
Chapter 10
→
2932535History of Mexico (Bancroft) — Chapter 101886Hubert Howe Bancroft
​

CHAPTER X.

BASES OF TACUBAYA.

1841-1842.

More Taxes and Less Reform — Paredes Pronounces at Guadalajara Valencia Seconds Him at the Capital — Santa Anna Steps Forward to Assume the Leadership — Bases of Tacubaya — Federalist Counter-pronunciamiento by the President — Mexico again Besieged — Bustamante Resigns — His Character and Rule — Santa Anna Vaults into the Chair — Small Concessions to Cover Large Encroachments and Abuses — Yucatan Defeats the Centralist Troops and Obtains Practical Autonomy — Sentmanat's Invasion of Tabasco — Movements along the Texan Border — Claims of the United States and Growing Bitterness

The secession of Yucatan, imitated by Tabasco, the growing hostility of Texas which had actually as sumed the offensive against its late mistress, and the dire calamities attending the inroads of Indians in the north, were matters presented in stronger light now that the subsidence of the federalist movement gave the government a respite. Santa Anna had in deed received orders, as guardian of the lower gulf coast, to prepare an expedition against the revolted provinces and fortify Vera Cruz against Texan cruisers; but for this and the other equally pressing needs funds were required. Notwithstanding the cry of stagnation in trade and industries, the revenues had been increasing of late years, but also in greater pro portion the expenditures; so that every budget presented a large deficit, calling for extraordinary measures in the shape of loans and fresh taxes. Among the latter figured an increase of fifteen per cent on the ​interior circulation of imports, decreed at the close of 1839. Yet this afforded little relief, for more than half of the custom-house receipts, the main reliance of the central authority, had for years been assigned to repay advances, cover interest on debt, and so forth.[1] The only recourse was therefore to increase the already heavy burden of the people by adding a tax of three per mille on real estate, and a personal monthly contribution of from one rial to two pesos.[2]

A grumble was to be expected, and it came, but directed mainly against the former increase of fifteen per cent on imports. The representation came from merchants at the capital and from Jalisco, and the government finding it impossible to entertain the request, Comandante General Paredes y Arrillaga of the latter department took the part of the petitioners, and declared to the governor, Escobedo, that troops as well as people manifested an irritation that could be allayed only by reducing taxes. The governor thought it best to yield[3], but congress conceded only an abatement of three per cent on the consumption impost, and so the outcry grew. It found ever fresh ground for complaint, such as the exclusion in 1837 of foreign cotton fabrics, and subsequently a partial exemption in favor of Matamoros, in order to procure money for the northern army, which injured manufacturers while the trade remained unappeased. Further, there were the interminable discussions on the ​proposed constitutional reforms, without any prospect of speedy result, although congress had been sitting front January till the close of June and met again in July.[4] The delay being due greatly to the double consideration required by two chambers, some departments began to urge a joint session, while others advocated a special convention for the task; but nothing was done, save to change two of the ministers.[5]

This naturally increased the irritation, and Paredes, who had been merely feeling the public pulse, came out boldly on August 8th with a manifesto, appealing to the nation against an incapable administration which had humiliated Mexico among the nations, imperilled its integrity, allowed it to be ravaged with impunity by Indians, yet burdened it with debts, while the army stood neglected, the people oppressed with taxes, and industries paralyzed. It demanded the convocation of an extraordinary congress to reform the constitution, the executive being meanwhile vested by the poder conservador in a citizen worthy of confidence, with extraordinary power.[6] The complaint and the demand were just enough, but the latter was but a mask, as usual. It implied a dictatorship in the hands of Santa Anna, for the 'citizen worthy of confidence' could be none other than that arch-intriguer, who had of late been repeatedly lauded by the people.

It must not be supposed, however, that Paredes ​was wholly a tool of the maimed hero, although in secret understanding with him. He stood everywhere esteemed so far as an honorable soldier, energetic, and with scientific tastes, who believed that the country needed a better administration,[7] and that the energetic Santa Anna could provide it. In order to insure the movement, he installed new ayuntamientos in different towns, left a reliable garrison at Guadalajara, and marched with 700 men by way of Lagos into Guanajuato, where Cortazar, the most influential governor in the republic, stood prepared to coöperate, General Juvera of Querétaro following the example. The government at once sent a body of over 1,000 men against him, but they passed over almost in a body. The far-seeing Santa Anna had ever taken the precaution to treat the soldiers well. Under Bustamante they had suffered comparative neglect, and were therefore readily won by the prospects now held forth. Although loyal assurances reached the government from different quarters, the revolution continued to spread. The citizens and garrison of Vera Cruz and Ulúa pronounced for it on August 25th, declaring for a large reduction in taxes. Other towns followed,[8] among them Mexico itself, or rather the garrison of the citadel, under Valencia,[9] who had ​so ably checked the late outbreak by Urrea and Farías. Assisted by his brother-in-law, Colonel Lombardini, he had no trouble in gaining more than 1,000 men for his plan, who on August 31st declared in favor of Paredes' pronunciamiento, with slight variation,[10] and he began at once to fortify himself at different points in the capital. This success was greatly due

JALISCO.

to the usual lack of energy and foresight on the part of Bustamante, who now too late took precautions for defence, declaring the capital in a state of siege, and conceding a few of the demanded tax reductions. A remonstrance against violence and strife was added by that nonentity, the poder conservador, whose opinions ​were generally asked, in accordance with law, but regarded or followed only when convenient.[11]

Santa Anna had during this occurrence marched to Perote, where in the guise of a mediator he awaited the turn of events, and as such addressed the government. The latter, which had so far affected to regard him as loyal,[12] sent a sharp reprimand for this unauthorized advance, to the neglect of the coast line intrusted to his care. Santa Anna pretended astonishment. He had actually calmed the revolutionary excitement around him, but deemed it his duty to urge a consideration of an evidently wide-spread demand for reform, and would hold the present ministers responsible for any blood spilled in opposing popular rights.[13] Such dictatorial language from an officer was properly met with dignified severity by Minister Almonte, who nevertheless concluded by accepting the meditation for the sake of the country, in so far as to exhort the risen leaders to submit to. the government,[14] promising that all complaints should receive due attention. Santa Anna's reply was to. openly adhere, on September 9th, to the plan of Guadalajara as modified by Valencia,[15] and then to march to ​Puebla, where he entered nine days later, Governor Codallos having withdrawn to assist Bustamante at Mexico. Before the arrival of the reënforcement the increasing descrtion and news from the interior had so intimidated the government that it submitted to the poder conservador a plan for peaceable arrangement, in convoking an extraordinary congress of one chamber, specially elected for January 1, 1842, to reform the political organization and choose a ruler; meanwhile the actual congress and all constitutional authorities should subsist, the president accepting as associates Nicolás Bravo and Santa Anna. The poder regarded the project as unconstitutional, but deferred its decision till the aspect of affairs should become more defined.

One reason for the delay was the confidence infused by the arrival of 1,200 loyal troops. Believing that he could now face the enemy, Bustamante, on September 22d, intrusted the presidency to Javier Echeverría, vice-president of the council,[16] left a strong force in the city under Codallos, and moved with the remainder, assisted by General Canalizo, from one point to another in the vicinity, fortifying them, but making no efforts to oppose the hostile forces now marching up from the north and east, although the attempt could well have been made in detail. He probably doubted his soldiers, and the hesitation was not groundless, for the defection continued, Galindo among others passing over to Valencia with ​600 horsemen sent from Morelia to sustain the president. Within the city, however, the fight had begun, and bombs and shells were once more spreading devastation.

Santa Anna occupied Tacubaya on September 25th, and there as general-in-chief reviewed the army, swelled by the forces of Paredes, Cortazar, and others. Three days later was issued the revised political plan known as the Bases of Tacubaya, by which the supreme powers established by the constitution of 1836 were declared removed, except the judiciary. A council composed of two deputies from each department, selected by the general-in-chief from those at Mexico, should choose a provisional president, and summon a congress, to meet within eight months," for the sole purpose of framing a new constitution. The president was to have all the power necessary to reorganize the public administration, assisted by four ministers[17] and a council composed of two persons selected by each department.[18] For this virtual self-election by Santa Anna as dictator he possessed both the influence and power, and under the circumstances a strong rule concentrated in one hand was undoubtedly necessary. The only question was its abuse.

The plan granted the government two days for deciding upon its course,[19] during which several schemes were considered, among them the resignation of Bustamante; but this was opposed by the senate.[20] ​Almonte, the minister of war and virtual ruler, now conceived the idea of declaring in favor of the federal system as a means for preventing the objectionable dictatorship, and above all for circumventing the ambitious Santa Anna. It was believed that the departments would support it with an overwhelming vote, and the capital was known to be strongly in its favor. To this end the minister negotiated for a prolongation of the armistice, and issued commissions to several persons of influence to collect and arm the former militia of the city. Early on the morning of September 30th Bustamante and Canalizo, heading the cavalry and infantry respectively, proclaimed the federation in the great square before a vast crowd, whose jubilant shouts were reëchoed in salvos and pealing of bells;[21] but the act, as might have been expected, was not properly sustained by efficient movements; Valencia had besides won over many liberals, and the formidable army at Tacubaya had not been duly taken into account.

Indignant at the counter manœuvre, Santa Anna prepared to renew hostilities, and once again the city was exposed to all the horrors of the Urrea-Farías episode, with destruction of buildings and slaughter of innocent citizens, with robbery and outrages by outlaws, midst the lament of terrified and bereaved families. The fire was sustained not alone by the garrison under Valencia and Bustamante, which occupied different positions within the city, the latter with headquarters at the palace, but by the allied forces now investing the suburbs.[22] Charges, sorties, and ​skirmishes had been the rule, and on October 3d Bustamante made a formidable though ineffectual attack on a position at Puente de Jamaica, which cost a number of lives. This added to the discouragement imparted by the growing strength of the besiegers, and desertion increased, many believing that any revolution headed by Santa Anna must succeed. Echeverría and two of the ministers had disappeared, leaving Almonte to act for the government, for Bustamante hesitated to resume the control, although widely called upon, and Muzquiz, the summoned federal president, held back. Under such circumstances, Bustamante resolved to spare the city from further useless suffering by evacuating it, which he did on the morning of the 5th, in the direction of Guadalupe. The allies followed, and both sides formed in battle array. Although stronger than his adversary, Santa Anna by no means relished the prospect of a battle. Bustamante on his side doubted the resolution of his men, additionally demoralized by retreat, and so an amicable arrangement was effected, by which the government troops passed over to the allies, all past differences being buried.[23]

Bustamante departed for Europe, attended by the respect of all parties for his frank and kind-hearted character and his unselfish and honorable record as a public man. He was a brave soldier, however, rather than a statesman, somewhat slow of reflection, vacillating, and devoid of moral energy, and as such unfit above all to assume the administration under the trying circumstances opening before him in 1837, along a new path, under a new constitution forced upon the ​country by a party with which the people at large were not in sympathy. With undefined ideas and scanty means he had started upon the experimental course, trusting to fortune and bad advisers, and neglecting the lessons taught by experience. Active and passive opposition encountered him on every side, based partly on stagnated resources, and breaking out in pronunciamientos, which, added to the French fiasco, the secession of Yucatan, the insolence of Texas, and Indian border raids, left his administration in no enviable plight.[24]

On October 7th Santa Anna made his triumphal entry into Mexico, and was declared provisional president.[25] Two days later he assumed control of affairs, forming a new cabinet, composed of Gomez Pedraza, Crispiniano del Castillo, Ignacio Trigueros, and General Tornel.[26] Popular approval naturally followed the winning side, but any change was now welcomed as an improvement, and the hero of Vera Cruz seemed the most promising man for the occasion. A ​spectator could not fail to be impressed by his tall, graceful figure, with its small oval face stamped by thought and energy, and with the closely set eyes, brilliantly reflecting an impulsive nature and a talented mind. A sprinkling of gray in the black hair added dignity, and the dark, bilious complexion, with its striking expression of anxious melancholy hovering round the mouth when in repose, generally brightened during conversation into sympathizing affability and winning smiles. When giving command the voice assumed a well balanced, dictatorial tone, which was effectively imposing, and when roused his face changed into repelling fierceness. The arbitrary power accorded to him by the bases of Tacubaya in self-election,[27] control of convocation for a congress, and subordination of the council of state, opened the eyes of opponents still doubtful as to the drift of the revolution, and protests began to flow in, notably from Jalisco, Aguascalientes, Guanajuato, San Luis Potosí, and from Bravo,[28] in the name of the southern provinces, supplemented by a federal pronunciamiento in Guadalajara and Durango, here by Urrea. But Santa Anna was prepared. He had foreseen some such difficulty, and hastened to despatch Paredes against the federalists, with an army greatly swelled by impressment, while sending commissioners to win others by promises and intrigues. The mere news of Bustamante's overthrow, his own successful assumption of power, and the prompt advance of a strong force sufficed to bring about a prudent reaction. Guadalajara announced its submission, the central protesting body at Querétaro dissolved, Álvarez yielded on the condition of being left in charge ​of the southern coast, Bravo had to acquiesce, and Urrea was bribed with the comandancia general of Sonora, whereupon Santa Anna, now firmer than ever in power, generously issued a general amnesty.[29]

Reforms became now the order of the day, from the nature of the energetic man in control as well as from a politic desire to conciliate parties and remedy glaring defects. The first step was naturally to gratify the army, and so bind closer to the administration its main support, while preparing also a necessary check on the movements of Yucatan and Texas, the latter marked this time by an invasion of New Mexico under McLeod and Cooke, but promptly defeated by General Armijo.[30] Several new regiments were formed, notably the grenadier guard, under stringent drafting resolutions, and with determined efforts to dress, arm, and maintain them.[31] For this and other purposes a depleted treasury had to be filled, and with fresh taxes. But it was not deemed prudent to startle the people by any sudden or heavy contributions from the fondled vision of lighter burdens and rising prosperity. They were still lulled by the removal of the fifteen per cent consumption tax, and a modification of the three per mille impost on estates, while a parade was made of economy by reducing the assignment to home creditors[32] by putting off the ​English bondholders, who were finally appeased with a small concession,[33]by resuming the management of the tobacco department, and by other measures. In April of the following year, however, several direct contributions were imposed on industries, on articles of luxury, and on incomes, together with a capitation tax.[34] Meanwhile, to cover immediate and additional needs, the archbishop was obliged to provide $200,000, surrender the inquisition building, and witness the sale of a fine estate formerly belonging to the Jesuits,[35] and subsequently the seizure of the California pious fund.[36] And so the clergy had to pay for their share in the revolution.

A part of the sums thus obtained were appropriated for redeeming the copper money, about fourteen millions, mostly false, which circulated at half its face value, to the prejudice especially of the poor. The new coin, worth an eighth of a rial and weighing half an ounce,[37] proved a great relief; but the abrupt manner of calling in the old money caused great mischief.[38] Santa Anna took special pains to remove ​vestiges of the late conflicts in the city, rebuilding the plaza Volador, and causing the erection of a new theatre to bear his name. He must also be credited with having fostered education, trade, and industries in several directions, establishing mercantile tribunals and juntas de fomento for general development in departmental capitals and ports,[39] reinstalling the old mining tribunal and forming a legislative junta to edit the code. A contract was entered into to open the Tehuantepec Isthmus for interoceanic traffic, although nothing came of it;[40] steps were taken to plant European colonies in Tamaulipas, with little success;[41] and Mexican territory was swelled by the incorporation of Soconusco, a province formerly belonging to Chiapas, but which, refusing to join her when she separated from Guatemala to become part of the newly formed Mexican republic, had maintained independence of both neighbors. Aggressive ​acts on the part of Guatemala roused the agitation of a party, which encouraged Mexican troops to enter and take possession in August 1842.[42]

On the other hand appeared a series of unfortunate events and despotic acts that far outweighed the benefits conferred. Early spring frosts inflicted great injury on the crops round the capital, and the flight of laborers before the severe conscription law added to the scarcity. The usual indulgence in pronunciamientos and outbreaks rippled the political surface and spread their evil in different sections. Sonora was stirred by civil war, waged against Comandante General Urrea by Gándara, a native aspirant for power.[43] Lower California had a similar lighter experience, and the provinces eastward suffered from the usual bloody raids of wild Indians;[44] while the mountaineers of the Chilapa region rose against the government, and encouraged by the sheltering ranges and several military successes, they promoted an extensive if not very strong movement all along the Mescala into Puebla and Oajaca, which continued throughout this and the following years.[45] ​A more serious affair was the now pronounced segregation of Yucatan. She had in March 1841 adopted a new constitution, a revision of the federal law of 1825, a newly elected congress had been installed, and a declaration of independence had actually passed the lower chamber, although the governor induced the senate to table it.[46] Santa Anna was determined to continue the preparations for reconquest which he had diverted for the overthrow of Bustamante. Meanwhile he commissioned the Yucatec lawyer, Quintana Roo,[47] to seek a peaceful settlement; but relying on its late successes, the peninsula would yield only in so far as to remain nominally a part of Mexico, with her own present laws and management of finances and custom-houses, subject to her own civil and military rulers, and contributing to the republic only a fair sum based on true resources and requirements. Any disposition encroaching hereupon could be entertained only from a free and popularly elected congress.[48] These terms roused the indignation of the Mexican government, which declared that the bases of Tacubaya must be admitted as a primary condition, and that all Yucatecs who failed to submit to the laws of the republic would be treated as foes.[49]

The peninsular authorities proving equally obdurate, a part of the projected expedition, 1,500 strong, left Vera Cruz in August under Morales, and after a slight skirmish took possession of the Isla del Cármen presidio and the entire Yucatec navy of three vessels. With the aid of 2,700 additional men, under ​Miñon, Champoton and Lerma were occupied, and siege was laid to Campeche. This proved ineffectual against the able resistance offered, and Santa Anna, in January 1843, intrusted the management of the campaign to Peña y Barragan with forces now amounting to 4,500 men. He sought to divert the attention of Llergo, his chief opponent, by carrying the war into the region of Mérida, but displayed such lack of energy and skill that Ampudia was sent with 800 additional men to assume the control. He arrived off Campeche in April, just in time to hear that Peña

Yucatan.

had capitulated with the flower of the army, and was about to embark for Vera Cruz and Tampico. The Mexicans had suffered greatly from the climate on this low and heated coast, and Ampudia recognized that he could achieve nothing with the reduced force at his command. Nevertheless he made so efficient a demonstration before the still besieged Campeche, as to impress the Yucatecs with the clanger and cost of rejecting peace proposals now again tendered. An armistice was agreed upon, and commissioners ​succeeded to Mexico to arrange the terms. After considerable trouble, involving temporary suspension of negotiations, a treaty was framed on December 14, 1843, whereby Yucatan recognized the government and constitution of the republic, with representation in congress, but was allowed to administer its own affairs, retain its officials and actual military force, exempt from furnishing any contingent of men, save for the fleet,[50] manage its finances, and dispose of the revenue, forming its own tariffs.[51] And so the costly efforts of Mexico were in vain; for Yucatan achieved all she had really aimed at, chiefly with the aid of her climate and Mexican military blunders. Santa Anna sought in the following year to encroach on the tariff clause of the treaty, and remonstrances proving vain, the province again resolved to ignore the supreme government; but the latter becoming involved with the United States, it had to yield and confirm the treaty.[52] ​While negotiations were yet going on in 1843 Ampudia had been ordered to retire to Tabasco, on sanitary grounds as well as to prevent revolutionary infection from spreading in this sympathizing department. The measure was prudent, for Sentmanat, the governor, objected to the intrusion, and marched forth to resist it; but in a battle on July 11th, near the capital, he was routed[53] and fled to the United States, there to form an expedition for recovering his lost ground. Ampudia soon reduced the province, assisted by the fleet, and was rewarded with the command.[54] In June the following year Sentmanat reappeared with about fifty adventurers whom he had enlisted at New Orleans. The government had received ample warning, and his small vessel was chased aground by cruisers, while Ampudia followed so close upon the heels of the band as to capture it within a few days, ere a junction with native forces could be effected. The prisoners were promptly shot, including Sentmanat, whose head remained impaled in warning to others.[55]

These operations proved a heavy drain on the treasury, and the taxes continued to increase in every direction,[56] among them those on house drains and coach ​wheels. Several measures were besides taken to obtain immediate large sums, such as encroaching still more on benevolent and trust funds,[57] leasing the Zacatecas mint to Englishmen,[58] levying forced loans and selling property to collect them, and finally by permitting a large importation of spun thread, so vigorously assailed on former occasions as ruinous, and by adding twenty per cent to the import duty, thus increasing by far the burdens which had been used as pretext for overthrowing the former administration.[59]

While the means thus collected were chiefly sunk in the fruitless Yucatan campaign, they were ostensibly to be used for defensive and offensive operations against Texas. Over six years had elapsed since the last serious effort to recover the province, a period broken only by petty inroads on either side, occasionally by Mexico to sustain her claims, and oftener by Texas to retaliate and distract her plans. The most notable of these expeditions was the disastrous march against Santa Fé in 1841, the defeat of which the Mexicans followed up by a descent into the state in March the following year.<ref>Under General Vasquez, who occupied the evacuated San Antonio de Béjar for two days only, behaving with great consideration. Hays had retired with his ranger garrison. After this the utterance and preparations in the lone-star region grow so ominous as to maintain the Mexicans in constant apprehension of a strong reprisal. A prompt counter-manœuvre was deemed necessary, in a manner to fully impress the hostile districts with the power of the republic, and the danger of being made the battleground. General Woll was intrusted with the task, and proceeded so cautiously that his appearance before Béjar, in the middle of September 1842, proved ​wholly unexpected. After a slight skirmish, therefore, he took possession of the town, and two days later engaged in an undecisive conflict with a relief party, whereupon he retired unmolested beyond the river, his main object having been attained.[60] The incursion had led to a large gathering of defenders, for none knew Woll's intentions, and it was decided to make some use of the movement for a reprisal. Several hundred accordingly crossed the Rio Grande in December and occupied Laredo and Guerrero. Discord broke up the party, and most of the men turned back. About one third resolved to continue the campaign and made a descent on Mier; but here the portion of the northern army, under Ampudia and Canales, about 2,000 strong, came up and turned the tables, obliging them to capitulate.[61]

It was evident that Texan expeditions by land were not to be feared, save by exposed settlements, and the little republic was regarded by Mexico rather as the work of the United States and an index to their attitude. Whatever might be undertaken against Texas, this formidable power behind must be studied and humored to a great extent, lest occasion be given for the quarrel which a great party within her borders were endeavoring to precipitate. After long negotiations, commissioners had been appointed, under a convention of April 1839, for examining the gradually accumulated claims of American citizens against the republic, amounting to more than eleven millions of dollars, out of which, two thirds being investigated, two millions were allowed.[62] By a later arrangement,[63] the interest so far due on the sum was to be ​paid in April 1843, and the principal with later interest in the course of five years.[64] The first payments were made, although forced loans had to be levied for the purpose under the most grievous circumstances.[65] One reason for this promptness was apprehensions roused by the agitation at different places in the northern republic in favor of Texas, with actual enrolment of men for aiding her. When the Mexican minister remonstrated, the government at Washington professed to be ignorant of any such movement, although belied at the very moment by an aggressive act on the part of its Pacific squadron, which, in October 1842, took possession of Monterey in California. Ample apology was tendered, but the fact remained patent that at Washington affairs had matured to the very point of war, in apparent sympathy with the popular feeling. To this, moreover, was directly due the justifiably strong language from Mexico which was claimed to have roused the United States. Then, in the spring of 1843, came another invasion of New Mexico from, Texas, although prepared mainly in the provinces to the north. The States now pleaded inability to restrain such attempts, but it was evident that sufficient efforts had not been exerted to check them. It cannot be denied that the Texan question, a turning-point for strife, was an outgrowth of Mexico's past errors, and that the sympathy of the Anglo-Americans was natural; but this by no means justified its different manifestations, which could not fail to provoke the somewhat over-sensitive national honor of the Mexicans.[66] Their relations ​with France and England were not on a much better footing; for both had offended them by acknowledging the independence of Texas, and assisting her with means, the latter making herself besides obnoxious by pressing for the fulfilment of pecuniary obligations.[67] ​ ​Id., Dict. Comis. Sup. Poder Conserv., 1-51; Estrada, Méx. y el Archiduque, 1-20; Méx., Ordenanzas Municip., 1840; Cuevas, Esposic. del Ex Ministro, 5-6; Méx., Seg. Parte de Vaya Algo, 12-13; Id., Discursos Pronunc., 1-12; Id., Esposic. que los Ministros; Alcance al Núm. Temis; Ecsámen de la Esposic. Dirigida por el Gen. Arista, 24, 34; Bustamante (A.), Iniciativa, 31-3; Id., Decr. Congr. Gen., 1-4; Id., Manif. que el Ciudadano; Papeles Varios, xvi. pt 12, xix. pt 4, xxvi. pt 4, xxix. pts 1-26, xxxvii. pts 1, 2, 8, 13, 14, 15, xxxviii. 1, 6, 7, 9, xxxix. pt 9, xlii. pts 4, 9, 93, 93, xliii. pts 1-11, xliv. pt 30, liv. pts 6, 8, 12, lvi. pts 5, 6, 7, 10, 13, lxxvii. pts 2, 4, 5, 6, 7, lxxix. pt 2, lxxx. pts 5, 17 b, 20, cvi. pts 2, 3, 4, 8, cxxii. pt 2, cxxvi. pts 3, 4, 5, cl. pts 2, 3, 21, 23, 24, 34, clii. pts 5, 8, 10, 11, 14, 18, 25, cliv. pts 1s, 24, 25, 26, clvi. pt 19, clxv. pt 14, clxxi. pts 14, 16, clxxiv. pts 7, 11, clxxx. pts 7, 11, 14, clxxxv. pt 1, clxxxvi. pt 2, clxxxix. pts 1, 10, cxc. pts 1, 2, 6, cxci. pts 1, 3, 13, схcii. pts 1, 2, схcvi. pt 2, ссх. pt 5, ссxіx. рts 3, 4, 5, 6, 9, 10, ссхxv. pt 1; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., i. nos 121-3, 126, 129, 133-4, 151, 154, 157, 164, 169-70, 179, ii. nos 200, 330, 382, 384, 408; Id., MS., i. nos 81, 85, 89, 90, 92, 166, 168, 173, 176, 182, 206, 209, 220, 255, 237, 265, ii. 183-7, 203, 287, 293, 356-0, 360-5, 368, 389, 422, 435, 437, 461, 466, 468; Alamаn, Арuntes Biog., 36; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc., i. 16-53, iii. ap. 12-19; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bol., i. 136-7, iii. 332, vii. 293, 321; Otero, Ensayo, 3-30; Id., Obras, MS., i. 194, 312-17, ii. 1-4, 7-12; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. passim, iv. 171; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 238-40; Id., Méx. Pint., i. 20-22; Rivero, México en 1842, 25-8, 8694, 251-3; Niles' Register, liii. 386-7, liv. 48, 128-9, 147, 161-4, 177, 194, 226, 239, 336, 355, 385–7, 407-8, lv.-lix. passim, lx. 65-6, 83, lxviii. 146.

  1. ↑ By arrangement of August 1839 the government could dispose only of 331/3 per cent of the Vera Cruz and Tampico receipts, the most important of all, and 50 per cent of the others. The budget of 1841 estimated the revenue at $12,874,100, less $41,800,000 of engaged custom-house receipts, and the expenditures at $21,836,781, whereof $17,116,878 for military department, leaving a deficit of $13,762,681. The cost of collection amounted to 18.49 per cent. Echeverría's report, Méx., Mem. Hac., 1841, 3 et seq.; Romero, Mem., 187 et seq.; Testamento del Difunto 1840, 1-16; Pap. Var., xlii. pt 9.
  2. ↑ On all able-bodied persons over 18 years of age, and divided in quotas among five classes, according to their means. The respective tax decrees were issued March 11 and April 8, 1841, the latter regulated by ordinance of April 26th, in Pinart, Coll., no. 581.
  3. ↑ Decreeing that while the congress considered the question, a consumption tax of only seven per cent would be levied in the department, five at Guadalajara and Tepic and two elsewhere; with two per cent on exports. The personal tax was also lowered. Decree of August 4, 1841.
  4. ↑ For reforms agitated, consult Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1839, 238-9; 1840, 621-747. Committee reports in Dictámen Comis., 1-51; Pap. Var., clxxiv. pt 11; Méx., Proyecto, 1840, 1-107; Ramirez, Voto Partic., 109-138; Pap. Var., eхe. pt 2. Protests and comments in Tornel, Protest.; Méx., Observ., 1841, 1-28; Discurso Sobre, 1841, 1-60; Mex. Pamphlets, i. pt 5; Pap. Var., xliii. pts 1-11, clii. pt xxv. Congress was prorogued on March 30th. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 23-4, 61. For president's address at its close on June 30th, see Pap. Var., lvi. pt 5. Another trouble was a partial drought in the valley of Mexico.
  5. ↑ For foreign affairs and finances. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 54; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., MS., iv. 1-2, 12.
  6. ↑ The actual congress was to meet to aid in this appointment. The new president should summon the constitutional convention, prescribing its election and duration. Pinart, Coll., no. 590. Favorable comments on the plan in Otero, Ensayo, 7-19; Informe Estrud. S. Blas, 15; Pap. Var., clv. pt 5, clvi. pt 19.
  7. ↑ Thompson, Recol. Mex., 84-6, and Löwenstern, Mex., 289-90, join in praising him. Mariano Paredes y Arrillaga was born at Mexico in 1797, and figured till 1821 as a royalist officer, rising only to a captaincy. He then joined Iturbide and was rapidly promoted for brave and efficient action. In 1832 he became a general, and in 1841, as a strong centralist, he received command of a division, with the control of Jalisco. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 287; Robinson's Mex., and her Mil. Chieftains, 243. In his own declaration to the nation, preceding the plan, with documents, he distinctly points to Santa Anna as the man. Esposicion, 1-28; Pap. Var., cliv. pt 25. Doc. 5 herein shows that over 2,200 men belonged to Paredes' division, scattered in different places.
  8. ↑ Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 495-7, states that Jalapa presented at first a protest and petition rather than a pronunciamiento. Santa Anna was staying here at the time, as comandante general of the province. In June took place a slight outbreak at Orizaba, which Bustamante connects with the present one. The people of San Luis Potosí had attempted to drive out Governor Sepúlveda shortly before. For Guanajuato pronunciamiento, see Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. 464.
  9. ↑ 'De orígen muy obscuro,' says Bustamante, Hist. Sta Anna, MS., i. 125, adding instances of his low brutality. Diario, MS., xlvi. 96-7. Charnay, Cités, 197-9, speaks of him as a bad debtor.
  10. ↑ Valencia, Manif., 1-16, with documents to prove his clear record during the movement.
  11. ↑ Bustamante indicates two revolutionary manifestations at Mexico in the preceding December and January, Gabinete Mex., ii. 96-7, 100; Id., MS., 1-17, 26-32, 39-41, which should have warned the government. The election of Tornel as mayor had been opposed by the authorities and created discontent. See also Tornel, Varios Esp., 1-22; Pap. Var., cxciii. pt 2.
  12. ↑ On the ground of certain letters wherein he had lately censured the demand for reduced taxes. The Diario Gob., no. 2276, denies the rumors against his plotting.
  13. ↑ And for any violence against General Paredes 'ú otros gefes beneméritos que se presentan á sostener como aquel, los derechos imprescriptibles de los pueblos.' Letters in Gabinete Mex., ii. 145 et seq.
  14. ↑ If the pronounced leaders submitted they would be treated with indulgence, although a military mutiny at a time when the republic stood threatened in the north and south-east merited severe chastisement.
  15. ↑ Bustamante must not govern despotically at the head of troops, regardless of law; nor has the poder conservador the right to authorize such attitude. The president, having decided to assume command of the troops in person and decide the question by force, has violated the constitution, and must not resume executive power. No other means of salvation remains for the republic than to sanction the bases proclaimed by Valencia. In transmitting this act to the government, Santa Anna stated that if other chiefs had not already risen in behalf of national rights, the despotic order of the president in declaring Mexico in a state of siege and assuming command of the army would justify any uprising to overthrow an impolitic, arbitrary, and unworthy administration. Comments on Santa Anna's attitude by Álvarez, in Pap. Var., cxxii. pt 2.
  16. ↑ During the absence of Bravo, the president. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 81-2; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 32. Fco J. Echeverría was born at Jalapa in 1797, and followed the vocation of his father as trader. Later he came to Mexico, after serving in the legislature of his state. In 1834, and again in 1838 and 1839, he was called to the ministry of finance. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 238. All this time he retained his interest in the trading firm, and influenced in its favor a number of government contracts. He gained little credit by his public career, but stands prominent as a patron of arts and useful institutions. L. G. Vieyra was governor of Mexico at this time. Pap. Var., xliv. pt 30. The prior claim to the presidency appears to have been held by the absent J. A. Romero.
  17. ↑ For foreign and interior affairs, public instruction and industries, finance, and army and navy.
  18. ↑ Till this meets the junta above mentioned should act. The provincial authorities continued in office if in accord with national opinions. This document, in 13 articles or bases, dated September 28, 1841, is signed by a long list of army men, headed by Santa Anna and by Valencia, Paredes, and Gutierrez, generals of the 3d, 1st, and 2d army divisions respectively. Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 219-26; Boletin Ofic., Sept. 29, Oct. 1, 1841; Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 82-6, 92-4; Ramirez, Tehuan. Mem., 1-3; English text in Mex. in 1842, 25-8; Robinson's Mex. and her Mil. Chieftains, 184-7. Otero, Ensayo, 22-3, while in favor of Santa Anna shows opposition to the dictatorship.
  19. ↑ Bustamante and others say three, but not so the documents on the point, in Santa Anna, Apunt., 1842, 1-24.
  20. ↑ The deputies agreeing, however.
  21. ↑ Account and text in Boletin Ofic., Oct. 2, 1841. The constitution of 1824 was declared restored, subject to revision, together with the congress, legislatures, and authorities of 1832, including the then provisional president, General Muzquiz. This was signed by the new governor, Ortiz de Zárate, among others. A junta patriotica of the following day added complementary clauses on election and reforms, and Canalizo confirmed them. Santa Anna now sought to win over the poder conservador by pointing out this overthrow of the constitution of 1836, but obtained no reply. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., MS., iv. 87 et seq.; Id., Diario, xliii. 1-147; Rivero, Méx. en 1842, 86-94.
  22. ↑ And numbering about 8,000. At the opening of the struggle with Valencia, Bustamante had about 2,000 men, with a large proportion of cavalry, while the other had 1,200, and most of the artillery. Madame Calderon de la Barca, Life in Mex., ii. 224 et seq., gives some interesting experience during this period.
  23. ↑ The proposed constitutional congress should alone pass judgment on the acts of the late and the future administrations. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 32-4; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 464. The act is dated at Estanzuela, Oct. 6th. On the day Santa Anna approached Tacubaya, Bustamante had sought in vain to effect an arrangement with Paredes and Cortazar.
  24. ↑ He returned after the fall of Santa Anna in 1844, and we shall again meet him in public life. He had been decorated while president, and received the coveted title benemérito de la patria. A. Bustamante, Decretos, 1-1; Id., Iniciativa, 1-13; Pap. Var., lvi. pt 5, clxxx. pt 14, cxci. pt 1. Madame Calderon comments on his frank, honest, unheroic face, and his qualities as subordinate, rather than leader. Life in Mex., i. 96-7. Löwenstern attributes his errors to frank reliance on friends. Mex., 281-5. Thompson lauds the unselfishness shown in his poverty. Recoll. Mex., 87. De manos puras y de corazon inocente,' adds Bustamante. Apuntes Hist. Santa-Anna, 28.
  25. ↑ Tornel signs the decree as president of the body. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 93-4.
  26. ↑ For interior and foreign relations, public instruction and industries, finance, and army and navy, respectively. Pedraza had figured in 1838 as minister for foreign affairs, and Tornel, the well known supporter of his chief, had been repeatedly war minister, and also in charge of the finances. García, ex-governor of Zacatecas, had been selected for finances, but declined, and Dufóo took charge till Trigueros, a Vera Cruz merchant, entered in November. About the same time the able Bocanegra left the supreme court and took Pedraza's place, Castillo assuming control of the judicial and ecclesiastic branch. The latter was replaced by Pedro Veclez in February 1842. Thompson, Recoll. Mex., 82-4, speaks highly of Bocanegra, Trigueros, and Tornel, the latter known as a patron of learning. Pedraza is alluded to as a haughty, disagreeable man, with whom Santa Anna quarrelled on a slight pretext. Bustamante, Diario, MS., xliii. 258-9; Id., Mem. Hist. Méx., MS., ii. 153, concerning Trigueros' career. Almonte was quieted with the mission to the United States.
  27. ↑ He was elected by 39 out of 44 votes, the departments being by no means fully or properly represented.
  28. ↑ His proclamation in Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 464, 15-17. Notices were sent to deny it, as in Voto de Son., Dec. 20, 1841. General Álvarez sustained him. Manif., 57, etc.; Pap. Var., clxxxvi. pt 2. Argument against, in Quejas de los Mex., 1-8; Mex. Pamphlets, i. pt 9. The protesting provinces denanded that a junta, convoked at Querétaro by Paredes, should choose the provisional president and define his power, and that a congress, to be immediately summoned, should elect a proprietory executive and frame a constitution.
  29. ↑ Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 466. Aguascalientes was made a comandancia general. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 89. Alvarez was promoted to a division.
  30. ↑ The Texans, including many U. S. men, being sent to languish in captivity at Perote and other places. A full account of this interesting episode is given in Hist. Arizona and New Mexico, this series, based on original sources, as well as on works like Kendall's Narr. Santa Fé Exped., i.-ii.
  31. ↑ Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 159-61, 188-9. The movements of the officers were subjected to closer control. Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 468; Bustamante, Diario, MS., xliv. 3. Charges arose against Arista and others in connection with army contracts. La Minerva, Mar. 25, 1845. During 1840 several decrees appeared for organizing the militia. Méx., Decreto Militia, 1-4; Pap. Var., liv. pt 12, clii. pt 5, 11, clxxx. pt 11; Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 1842.
  32. ↑ Of the 8, 10, 12, 15, and 17 per cent assigned on custom-house receipts. The holders raised such an outcry against a contemplated total suspension that half the amount was allowed, and subsequently the arrangement of 1830, with different modifications.
  33. ↑ Lizardi & Co. arranged at first for allowing them one fifth of the receipts at Vera Cruz and Tampico custom-houses, they surrendering half of the four years' interest due; but this not being allowed by the government, the latter, on October 10, 1842, assigned 31/3 per cent added to the duties at these ports.
  34. ↑ The latter one rial per month, the income tax from 1/8 to 1/4 per cent. Also 15 per cent on legacies to corporations. Méx., Mem. Hac., 1841, 1842; Romero, Mem., 215 et seq.
  35. ↑ That known as La Compañia, near Chalco. The $200,000 were in response to $500,000 demanded. Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., ii. 122-5; Apuntes, Santa-Anna, 15-17, at this time made a vain appeal for restoring the Jesuits. Other petitions in Mendizábal, Repres., 1-26; Pap. Var., clxxi. pt 14; Méx., Doc. y Obras sobre Jesuitas, 1-8, on a proposed issue of Jesuit documents.
  36. ↑ Serving to sustain its missionary and clergy. The government for a while allowed an equivalent. See Hist. Cal., iv., this series. A decree of October 13th forbade the sale of mortmain property without government permission. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 35-6. The bishops and orders were besides obliged to accept drafts for different amounts. Bustamante, Apuntes Santa-Anna, 47-8. Valencia was rewarded by the grant of seized property and the management of the pious fund. Rivera, Gob, de Méx., ii. 245.
  37. ↑ Bearing on the face a figure of liberty and on the reverse a civic crown with the value mark in the centre and round it the words República Mejicana.
  38. ↑ The decree, dated Nov. 4, 1841, forbade the circulation of the old money after 30 days in the department of Mexico, and after 60 days elsewhere, yet offered the new coin only six months after the surrender of the other. Lebria y Barrera, Cobre Tabac. Prest., several pamphlets. Pap. Var., cliv. pts 1-10.
  39. ↑ Supported by one eighth per cent on consumption duties and other contributions. Regulations of Nov. 15th, in Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 119-25. Otero, Obras, MS., ii. 7-12, has some excellent observations on efforts for development in Mexico. A proposed bribe by merchants of $700,000 for the free introduction of spun thread, though tempting to a poor government, was rejected in the interest of manufactures. Comments in Verdadera á la Falsa Opinion, 1-15; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., MS., iv. 16-17. Information on schools of agriculture, mining, etc., in Baranda, Dec. Escuclas, 1-12; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 514-31; Méx., Junta Minería, 1-12. On the Volador rebuilding, in Méx., Ayunt. Expos. Plaza Volador; Pap. Var., clv. pt 14. In course of 1843 the famous Parian bazaar, chiefly occupied by mercers, at an annual rental to the municipality of $30,000, was demolished for the sake of embellishing the plaza. Petition against the decree in Méx., Expos., 1-16; Pap. Var., lxxxiii. pt 11. Losses to merchants specified in Lista de Daños del Parian, 1845, MS., 1-7; Doc. Hist. Mex., pt 12.
  40. ↑ With Garay, agent for Englishmen, who again transferred the charter to Americans. Contract in Diario Gob., March 4, 1842. Details of plan, survey, etc., in Garay, Isth. Tehuan., 1-188. The later claims of the grantees were ignored. Tehuan., Dictámen Comis., 1851, 1-51; Tehuan., Mem. Derechos, 1852, 1-28; Garay, Privileg., 1-28; Manero, Not. Hist. Com., 51-6; Ramirez, Mem. Diferenc., 1-10s. The interoceanic question will be treated in another place.
  41. ↑ Which brought about also the permission for foreigners to hold real estate, although not without protests. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 465, 620-1. Outlines of colonization plans in Willie, Not. Hac., 53-7, ap. 14-28. Bustamante objects. Diario, MS., xliv. 51. Rivero compares the value of different nationalities for Mexico, and finds all lacking in sympathy. Мéх. еп 1842, 240-1.
  42. ↑ And by decree of Sept. 11th the territory was attached to Chiapas. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 262-3; Diario Gob., Aug. 31, 1842, Feb. 8, 1843. Larrainzar, Soconusco, Méx., 1843, 1-194, reviews the question at length in favor of Mexico; also in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bol., ii. 121-68, 392, etc., while more or less contrary arguments may be found in Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlv. 119, 205; Gac. Ofic., Oct. 18, Dec. 24, 1842; Méx., Mem. Rel., 1814, 3.
  43. ↑ As will be related in Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series.
  44. ↑ A treaty was celebrated with the Comanches on January 31, 1843, to be broken by the Indians at the first promising opportunity, as so many previous arrangements had been. Siglo XIX., Mar. 6, 1842, etc.
  45. ↑ The cause lay in certain acts of injustice by proprietors and judges. Diario Gob., ap. 26, 1842, etc. In Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1844, 51-9, the government course is naturally upheld and victories spoken of involving as many as 250 Indians killed; yet the war continued. The comandante general Álvarez was known to be hostile to Santa Anna, who dared not do aught than dissimulate; and he was supposed to be secretly in sympathy with the rebels. His elaborate Manifiesto of 145, 1-180, dɔes not wholly clear him. There was an agitation at this time to erect this region, the former Tecpan, into a separate department, Bravo and Alvarez, Maif., 1-35; Pap. Var., ixxxii. pt 7, cxxii. pt 2, and to establish two presidios, at Chilpancingo and Cuernavaca, to protect the route from Acapulco against robbers. Méx., Col. Ley., May 1854, 14-20.
  46. ↑ Barbachano and Peraza were the main promoters of independence. A flag was designed with four vertical stripes of green, red, white, and red, the former bearing five stars, representing the departments of the new state; the red stripes were narrower than the others. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 244.
  47. ↑ Famed as a writer, and whose wife achieved celebrity by eloping to share his hardships during the war of independence.
  48. ↑ To which representatives would go from Yucatan. This was signed on Dec. 28, 1841. Yuc., Manif. Gob., 1841, 18 et seq.; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc., iii. ap. 38 et seq.; Yuc., Expos. Gob., 1841, 4-5.
  49. ↑ Yet offering to leave undisturbed its officials and troops, and also the tariff till it could be revised for the whole republic. Méx., Mem. Rel, 1844, 47-8; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. Cong., pts 52-5, 153 et seq. The new commissioner arrived with these proposals in May 1842.
  50. ↑ The Mexicans keeping a force only at the naval arsenal of Cármen and in case of foreign war. The president has the prerogative in episcopal patronage, and in selecting the superior financial officer from the trio nominated by Yucatan.
  51. ↑ So that foreign goods sent from Yucatan to Mexico had to be subjected to the tariffs of the republic. Trade between the two was subject to the respective tariffs. Favors to any department to be shared by Yucatan, unless purely local. This treaty was signed at Mexico by Tornel, minister of war, and commissioners Pinelo, Rejon, and Castillo. Text in Yuc., Tratado, 1845, 1-8; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc., iii. 64. The latter provides, indeed, the most acceptable account of the campaign, followed in the main by Ancona, Hist. Yuc., iii. 383 et seq., and others. The version in Barbacheno, Mem. Camp., 59-67, touches mainly Campeche. The original decrees, reports, etc., thereon are given in Yuc., Expos., 1, etc.; Yuc., Manif. Gob. Provis., 1-76; Vallejo, Col. Doc. Mex., MS., ii. pt 454; Buenrostro, Hist. Prim. Cong., pts lii.-v. 153-255; Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 4, 11-30; Id., Mem. Rel., 46-9; Diario Gob., Mar. 19, Nov. 9, Dec. 21, 1842; Jan. 1, Mar. 16, 31, Apr. 20, 1843, etc.; Duende, Apr. 11, 1843, etc.; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iv. 406, 505-7, 675-8. Account of damage caused by the invasion is commented upon in Yuc., Mem., 1846, Apr. 26. Cármen Island presidio is described in Soc. Mex. Geog., Bolet., iii. 455-69. The Mexican version of the war is given in Bustamante, Diario, MS., xliii. 291-2; xliv. 109, xlv. 119, 213, 277; xlvi. 37, 211-13, 231, 235; Id., Apuntes, Hist. Santa Anna, 80, 155-97, 230-5, etc. He rebukes Santa Anna for having sacrificed nearly two million pesos and 4,000 men. The tone is softer in Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 487-600, passim. In Niles' Reg., 1xiv. passim, and adjoining volumes, the Texan share in the naval combat at Campeche is given prominence. Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 326-33, comments on the complex tariffs which arise. See also Suarez, Informe, 8-9, 18, 108-9; Pap. Var., xlix. pt 17, lxxxvi. pt 3, cxciii. pt 8.
  52. ↑ Yuc., Expos. Gob.; Pap. Var., xlix. pt 16; Yuc., Mem., 1845, p. iii.-iv., 1846, p. 4; Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1846, 10; Id., Mem. Rel., 48-66; 1847, 45-66. After Santa Anna's fall congress also proposed to repudiate the treaty, but the question with the U. S. prevented a rupture. Yuc., Mem. Hist., Feb. 5, 1846.
  53. ↑ Ampudia claims that Sentmanat held a strong position with 800 men and 11 guns, and that he engaged him with only 900. Siglo XIX., July 24, 1843, etc.
  54. ↑ Diario Gob., Feb. 19, Aug. 4, 1843, etc.; Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1841, 31; Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlvi. 69; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 209-16. The shelling process taught by the French at Ulúa come here into good use.
  55. ↑ After having been boiled in oil, it is said. 'La pusieron en una jaula,' according to Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 623. See Minerva, May 13, 1845; Pabel. Nac., Oct. 5, 1844; Defens. Integ. Nac., Aug. 10, 14, 17, 1844; Abeja, Oct. 31, 1844; Movimiento, Nov. 10, 1844. The vessel which brought them, the Wm A. Turner, left New Orleans May 27th. Of the captured 43, 39 were shot. Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1845, 5, including several French and Spanish adventurers, regarding whom their ministers raised several protests. See correspondence in Siglo XIX., Mar. 21, 26, etc., 1845; Courrier, French journal of Mexico, Mar. 26, Apr. 19, etc., 1845; Masson, Olla Podrida, 62-73; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., i. 53-6. Certain persons sought to purge themselves of complicity. Tabasco, Repres. Guardacostas, 1-8.
  56. ↑ The list forming a thick book 'que se vendia. . . por un peso.
  57. ↑ From the sodality del Rosario $20,000 were taken. In April 1843 the property of the Mercy order, valued at $80,000, was seized, and the colegio de Santos was closed to the same end. Rivera, Méx. Pint., i. 157-61.
  58. ↑ For 14 years, $100,000 being paid at once. The ayuntamiento of Zacatecas was dissolved for venturing to protest. Siglo XIX., Oet. 15, 1842, etc.
  59. ↑ Bustamante, Diario, MS., xlvi. no. 230.
  60. ↑ A number of prominent residents were captured. Woll's reports may be consulted in Tejas, Exped., 1-60. Woll was a French officer who had come over with Mina. A mutiny occurring soon after this, Woll resigned the command of the northern army and Ampudia took charge.
  61. ↑ For particulars, including the attempted escape of the prisoners, I refer to my Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this serics, wherein original and published reports, including Green's Journal of the Mier Exped., receive due attention.
  62. ↑ Or $2,026,139.68. U. S. Gort Doc., Cong. 27, Ses. 2, Sen. 320, Vol. iv. 429, Vol. v.; H. Ex. Doc. 291, Vol. v.; H. Com. Rept., 1,098, Vol. v.
  63. ↑ Of Jan. 30, 1843.
  64. ↑ This was effected by Minister Thompson, who takes credit for having arranged a settlement on a metallic basis, in view of the depreciated treasury notes, which were worth only 30 per cent. Recoll. Mex., 222-9, 279, etc.; U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 28, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 158; Mex. Treaties, ii. pt 6. By convention of Nov. 1843, the claims not yet examined, and Mexican claims against the United States, were to be adjusted by a new commission. Santa Anna deferred ratifying this arrangement in order to gain the much needed time for deferring unpleasant settlements.
  65. ↑ The April payment amounted to $270,000.
  66. ↑ 68 The development of the question will be comprehensively considered in a later chapter, and the different acts of aggression in the Hist. North Mex. States, ii., and Hist. Arizona and New Mexico, this series.
  67. ↑ Fresh claims for injury to English residents were accumulating. At a public ball an English flag, taken from the Texans, had been exhibited as a trophy, notwithstanding the protest of the minister, and the latter had also offended by transmitting a letter from Texas, unwittingly it was claimed, containing an offer of five millions for the recognition of that state, with a bribe for the minister who could manage to pass the project. Santa Anna's virtuous indignation at the proposal was manifested in Diario Gob., xxii. no. 2433; Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, 41-2, 240. Thompson justly scouts the supposed influence of England in Mexico. Recoll. Mex., 236-8. The Belize boundary was also a cause for trouble. The commission appointed in 1830 for determining the line had been unable to attend to the task, owing to the Yucatan war. Méx., Mem. Rel., 1840, 2; Soc. Mex. Geog., Bolet., iii. 239 The French had been offended by steps taken against their consul at Vera Cruz for corresponding with Yucatec rebels. A treaty of commerce with the Hanseatic towns was effected on June 27, 1842. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Мех., iv. 227.

    The following authorities have also been consulted in the preparation of the three preceding chapters: Méx., Col. Leyes Fund., 219-27; Id., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1830, passim; 1840, 250-61, 376-439, 488-786, 820; 1841, 22-4, 54, 61, 81-06, 119-61, 188-9; 1844-6, 552-4, 577-92; Id., Mem. Relac., MS., 1839, 1-16; Id., Mem. Мinist. Int., 1838, 2-6; Id., Меm. Насіеnda, 1838, 1-2; 1845, 1-77; 1870, 31, 1035-7; Id., Mem. Guerra, 1839, 27; 1840, 28, 40-7; 1841, 148, annexes nos 1-18; Estado Mayor Gral. Ejér., 2-7, 33-290; Arrillaga, Recop., 1838, 47, 92, 138, 214-17, 273-92, 400, 533-54; 1839, 3-11, 32-7, 70. 86, 94-105, 156, 170-4, 189, 204-5, 233, 258, 267-9, 307; May 1819-April 1830, 13; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 54-216, ii. 5-7, 39-248; Id., MS., i. 161, 216, 225, 349-51, 386, 444-9, 494-6, 554, ii. 243, 343-7, 355, 378, ii. 119-21, 143-9, 243-57, iv. 1-86; Id., Diario Mex., MS., xliii. 1-348, xliv. 3, xlv. 215-17, xlvi. 35, 96; Id., Hist. Sta Anna, 1-34; Id., MS., i. 89-01, 115-25; Id., Martirol., 8; Id., Cuad. Hist., viii. 163-4, 174; Id., Voz de la Patria, MS., xiv. 203-51, 296; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 1-12; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Мех., iі. 482, 512-34, 564-82, 617-31, 675, 692-5, 727-30, iv. 6, 24, 29-36, 66-7, 76, 89, 227-33, 303; Informe Estrada-Empl. S. Blas, 15; Contreras, Garant. Individ., 1-36; El Tiеmро, Мау 6, 1846, 1; Мartin, Précis, 97-100; Bolet. Extraord. Ciudadela; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 240-55; Dubois, Le Mexique, 15-18; Filisola, Defensa, 1-28; Leon, Contest., 1-108; Canseco, Justa Represalia, 1-32; Fossey, Mex., 160-71, 253, 284-5, 507-20; Haro, Mem. Justif., 3-17; Caballero, Hist. Alm., 14-15; Quejas de los Mex., 1-8; Müller, Reisen in Mex., ii. 319-20; Micheltorena, Discurso; Lempriere's Notes in Mex., 42; Anal. Minist. Fom., ii. 462-70; Escalera y Llana, Mex. Hist.-descript., 55-68; Kennedy's Tex., ii 307-10, 352; Nouv. Annales Voy., lxxxvi. 119, lxxxvii 137-8, 1ххxix. 122, сv. 198-9; Мosaico Mex., i. 81-5, ii. 113-15; Вarbachano, Mem. Camp., 54-67; Norman's Rambles in Yuc., 224-35; Arista, Oficio, 1-46; Id., Manif, 1-16; Hunt's Merchants' Mag., xlv. 607; Nota del Minist. Bonilla sobre Patronato, MS., 1-20; Notic. del Editor sobre Establec. Oficio Escribanos, pp. i.-xxxiv.; Ober, Mexico, 427-8; Mendizabal, Represent. que al Congreso, 1-26; Álvarez, Manif., 5-23, 57-107, 121-32, 142-59; Diario Ofic., May 14, 15, 16, 22, 1879; Реñа, Revóquese esta Sancion, 1 1.; Мéх., Proy. de Reforma, 1840, 1-107; Ramirez, Voto Particul., 109-38; Estrada, Carta, 1-96; Id., Alg. Reflex., 1-80; Id., Impugn., 1-37; Gutierrez Estrada, Lettre de, 1-33; Ortega, Represent. que Dirige, 2 ll.; Vistazo Rápido, 5-10; San Miguel, Pandectas Hispano-Mej.; Amador, Las Garant. Indirid., 3-36; Diálogo Ocurrido, Alatorre, Manif. del Gob Aguascal., 1-16; Escalada, Manif., 3-51; Montoro, Contest. al Itinerario, 3-24; Abuso del Poder Judic.; Zavala, Rev. Mex., ii. 201; Ya es Tiempo', 1-4; Urrea, Protesta', 1-19; Tres Dias de Minist., Verdadera Notic., 1-32; Sierra y Rosso, Discurso; Id., Discurso Colocac., 1-8; Salv., Diario Ofic., Jan. 26, 1875, Sept. 10, 11, 18, 1879; Posada y Garduño, Pastora 1-13; Burrio, Acusucion; Pacheco, Oracion Civ.; Zozaya, Apelac., 28, 46; Id., Oracion Civ.; Paredes y Arrillaga, Esposic., 1-28; McSherry's Essays and Lectures, 50-63; Calderon's Life in Mex., i. 96-7, 275-81, 336-80, 403, ii. 7, 121-3; El Constituc., Jan. 19, 1844, 2; Santa Anna, Biog., 19-21; Id., Apuntam., 1-24; Abbot's Mex. and U. S., 278; Charnay, Cités et Ruines, 197-9; Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 170-8; El Amiyo de la Relig.; Larenaudiére, Mex. et Guat., 242-32; Nuevo Viaj. Univ., iii. 518-19; Willhelm's Eight U. S. Inf., i. 173-4; Cuevas, Espos. Dif. Francia, 15-18, 40-9; Paron, Satisfac., 1-12; Id., Manifest., 1-24; Id., Contest. que dan los Gen., 1-20; Young's Hist. Me., 200-84; Chevalier, Des Mines; Mex., Escalafon que Comprende, 42 111.; Osborne's Guide to W. Ind., 110-12; Suarez, Informe, 8-9; Blanchard, S. Juan de Ulúa, 1-20, 64-81, 195, 217-407, 447-521; Parada, Seg. Esposic., 1-18; Apuntador Semanario, no. 21, 323-4; Domenech, Hist. du Mex., ii. 159-75; Alm. Calend., 1839, 19-24; 1840, iii. 3-23; Alm. Amer., 1840, 280; Alm. Calend. Lopez, 1843, 3-28; Alm. Calend. Galvan, 57-66; Disposic. Varias, v. 36-39, 41; Monit. Constit. Ind., April 9, 1845, 3; Pesado, Doc. Relat. Conferenc. Jalapa. 1-56; Yuc., Exposic. del Gob., 3-4; Ripley's War Mex., i. 42; La Minerva, March 25, May 15, 1845; Democratic Rev., v. 92-4, vi. 287-307, 413-24; Santa María, Esposic. Protest., no. iv. 1-80, no. v. 1-16; Gomez, Vindic., 1-18; Villa-Amor, Biog. Gen. Sta Anna, 17-18; S. L. Potosí, Garant. Individ., 136; McGregor's Progress Amer., 332-43; Id., Commerc. Statistics, iii. 1172; Ahrens, Mex. und Mex. Zustände, 70–1; Wilson's Mex., 120; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 47; Testam, del Año 1839, 1-46; Testam. del Difunto, 1-23; Testam. del Difunto, 1840, 1-16; Discurso sobre el Derecho, 1-60; France and Mex., 3-24; Lafond, Voy. autour du Monde, i. bk i. 351-66; Orta, Refutac., 1-24; Andrade, Manif., pp. i.-xii.; Id., Revol. S. L. Potosí, 16; Hansard's Parl. Deb., xliv. 722, xlvi. 891-940; Bazancourt, Mexique, 118-38; Voy. to Mex. and Havana, 1-139; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 321-5, ii. 165-6; Id., Mex. as It Was, 34-6, 73-5, 81-2, 322-5, 340, 346-52; Robinson's Mex. and Her Mil. Chieftains, 173-86, 222–50; Tornel, Exped.: Id., Manif.; Id., Varios Españoles, 1-22; Id., Protesta; Id., Carta á sus Amigos, 1-25; Maillard's Hist. Tex., 132-48; Gregg's Scenes and Incidents, ii. 122-5; Dur., Iniciativa, 1-10; Exposic. al Congr. Supr.,1-12; La Verdadera á la Falsa Opin. Públ., 1-15; Méx., Doc. Ofic. que se Publican, 1840, 1-90; Id., Informe Comis. Pesquis., 1874, 63, 82; Id., Observ. sobre Reformas, 1-28; Id., Doc. y Obras sobre Jesuitas, 1-8; Id., Decr. Comandante; Id., Decr. Premios; Id., Esped., 1-60; Id., Código Reforma. 123-6; Id., Esposic. sobre Condic., 263-6; Id., Plana Mayor Ejér., 1838, 1-8; Id., Cuaulerno de Formul., 1-81; Id., Reglam. Ramo Contabil., 1-8, 25 11.; Id., Decr. Uniform.; Id., Apuntam. Hist.; Ïd., Laws and Courts, MS., 7; Id., Decr. Mil. Activ.; Payno, Cuentas Gastos, 923-4; Hay's Scraps, Cal. Notes, iii. 194; Pinart Coll., Doc. nos 528, 537, 557, 581, 590; El Voto de Son., Dec. 20, 1841, 2; Ortiz, Esposic., 12-13; Valencia, Manif., 9-16; Lanuza, Vindic. Gen. Rincon, 1-77; Rincon, Manif., pp. i.-lxxviii. 1-140; Arroniz, Hist. y Crón., 28; El Constituc., March 12, May 10, 1844; Malte-Brun, Précis Geog. Univ., vi. 430-68; Gagern, Discurso Patriót., 1-16; Thompson's Recoll. Mex., 3, 63-4, 82, 84-6; Gérard, Excursion, 10-13; Mata, Discurso Civ., 1-8; Ferrer, Discurso Pronunc. en Méj., 1-115; Coah., Gac. del Gob., March 17, 1838, 2-4; Löwenstern, Le Mexique, 284-5, 288-90; Gallaga, Discurso, 1-10; Fisher and Colby's Am. States Ann., 1854, 438; Cuevas, Discurso, 1-7; Frisch, Staaten von Mex., 29-31; Antuñano, Economia Polit. en Mex., 1-10; Mercado, Discurso, 1-18; Opúsculo de la Verdad, pp. i.-iv. 1-56; Farragut, Life of, 128-36; Ramirez, Tehuan., Memorias, 1-3; Payne's Hist. Europ. Colonies, 311-12; Beaumont, Résumé, 1-40; Perez, Dicc. Geogr., i. 22; Col. Itin. Rep. Mex., 3–17; Jenkins' Mex. War, 22; Farnham's Mex., 56, 64: El Voto Nac., Sept. 25, 1838; Méx., Esposic. que la Supr. Corte, 19-20; Id., Doc. Impresos por Acuerdo, 6-49

Retrieved from "https://en.wikisource.org/w/index.php?title=History_of_Mexico_(Bancroft)/Volume_5/Chapter_10&oldid=10009245"