History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 20

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XX.

 

END OF THE UNITED STATES WAR.

 

1847-1848.

Santa Anna's Administration — Anaya's First Term — Federal Constitution Restored — State of Guerrero — Santa Anna Resigns — President Peña and his Efforts for Peace — Invader's Rule and Operations — Santa Anna Deprived of Command — Anaya Again President — Peña Succeeds — Peace Policy Continued — Internal Disturbances — War of Races in Yucatan — Treaty with the United States, whose Forces Evacuate Mexico — Gains and Losses — Evils of the War — Paredes' Revolution — End of Peña's Administration.

Soon after Santa Anna assumed the executive office, he formed what may properly be called a semi-parliamentary cabinet, the ministers being Manuel Baranda, of relations; José Ignacio Gutierrez, of war; Juan Rondero, of the treasury; and F. Suarez Iriarte, of justice. Congress authorized him, under certain restrictions,^[1] to borrow twenty million dollars. The Farías law of January 11th against clerical property was revoked.

Santa Anna's stay at the capital was short; with the authorization of the legislative body he took command of the national arms, General Pedro Maria Anaya being named his substitute,^[2] and taking charge of the presidency on the 2d of April.^[3] Anaya was born in Huichapan in 1795, and began his military career in June 1811, as a cadet.^[4] In 1821 he joined Iturbide's movement, and marched to Guatemala under General Filisola. In 1823 he was made a major of cavalry; four years later a lieutenant-colonel; and in the short time from April to June 1833 a colonel and brigadier-general, for his faithful support of federal institutions. In later years he held several civil offices.

 

The whole attention of the government was now engaged in the war.^[5] The capital was placed under martial law, and the executive clothed with extraordinary powers.^[6]

On Santa Anna's return, May 20th, Anaya surrendered the government to him, and went to the front.^[7] Santa Anna's measures after this were wholly military,^[8] excepting one on the 21st of May, when he swore to carry out, and did publish, the Acta Constitutiva y de Reformas, passed on the 18th by the constituent congress, the third article of which declared that the acta constitutiva and federal constitution, sanctioned respectively on the 31st of January, and 24th of October, 1824, formed the only political constitution of the republic with the reforms now adopted in thirty articles. The sixth article declares to be states of the federation those which were named in the federal constitution, and such as were made afterward. A new state was created to bear the name of Guerrero, mainly comprising the old province of Tecpan, and the city of Mexico was given, while it continued to be the federal district, a vote in the election of president, and the privilege of choosing two senators.^[9]

Guerrero.

Under the reformed constitution the state of Guerrero was to be organized from the districts of Acapulco, Chilapa, Tasco, and Tlapa, and the municipality of Coyuca, the three first named being taken from the state of Mexico, the fourth from Puebla, and the fifth from Michoacan, provided these states gave their assent within three months to the detachment of territory proposed.^[10] Owing to the obstacles in the way, some delay occurred in carrying out the law, but the state was finally constituted in 1849.

In order to provide against the possibility of his being killed or captured by the enemy, Santa Anna issued a decree September 7, 1847, appointing his substitutes, which he sent to Manuel de la Peña y Peña, president of the supreme court, to be held in reserve;^[11] and in accordance with a congressional act decreed that the supreme government might reside in any part of the republic, should the requirements of the existing war demand a change of location. On the 16th of September he held a council of war at Guadalupe and resigned the presidency ad interim, and claiming powers under the 97th article of the constitution, declared that thenceforth the supreme executive authority should be vested in the president of the supreme court, with generals Herrera and Alcorta as his associates, the latter taking the place of Bravo, who was now a prisoner in the enemy's hands.^[12] But this provision was rejected as unconstitutional by the president of the supreme court, Manuel de la Peña y Peña, who forthwith repaired to Toluca, and next to Querétaro, where he assumed the office of provisional president of the republic on the 26th of September,^[13] with Luis de la Rosa as his sole minister. From the moment the city of Mexico was evacuated, desertions on a large scale constantly occurred in the Mexican army. At Guadalupe Santa Anna resolved to let go all officers and men that were unwilling to follow him. On the march of a part of the force under Herrera toward Querétaro, the desertion was such that only by great efforts was a complete dispersion prevented.^[14] Santa Anna marched with his demoralized force on the 16th of September for Puebla, reaching its suburbs on the 24th. He hoped by the aid of General Rea, who had been besieging the place, to effect its capture, which he considered an easy undertaking, and thus cut off Scott's communications with Vera Cruz. The United States force holding the town under Colonel Childs consisted of 500 effective men, well armed but otherwise unprovided, and 1,800 invalids.^[15] According to Mexican accounts, Santa Anna had 2,000 infantry, 2,000 cavalry, and a good supply of siege artillery, but his operations availed nothing. He raised the siege on the 1st of October,^[16] and marched to El Pinal, hoping to cut off a valuable convoy escorted by General Lane. He was again unsuccessful, the convoy entering Huamantla on the 9th, a few hours after his departure from the place,^[17] and continuing the march to its destination. Some fighting occurred on the 9th, the foreign invaders having serious casualties;^[18] but the Mexican army was now reduced to a skeleton, and Lane entered Puebla unmolested. Santa Anna returned to Huamantla on the 10th.

After the fall of the capital, Scott republished on the 17th of September, with important additions, his orders of February 19th, declaring martial law.^[19] The next day he prescribed the distribution and quartering of the troops in the city.^[20] The collection of customs or duties at the gates of the city by the civil authorities was to be continued till modified by the civil and military governor, to which office General John A. Quitman had been appointed.^[21] At first it was hoped that harmony would be maintained between the Mexican civil authorities and the foreign military rulers; but as it turned out, there were almost daily causes of dissatisfaction.^[22] The most serious difficulty was about providing quarters for the troops. Angry correspondence followed, and the ayuntamiento was deposed. A municipal assembly was then chosen under the auspices of the conqueror, and given powers to effect reforms, provided they met with his sanction.^[23] These men, who had thus lent themselves to act as the conqueror's tools, found themselves in an unenviable position as soon as the negotiations for peace were initiated.

During that period several newspapers were published at the capital, both in English and Spanish, the former of which freely vented their wrath on the Mexicans.^[24]

Soon after the commanding general had completed his study of the revenue system, he prepared an order fixing the amount of the direct taxes, and the duties to be collected on the precious metals. This order was promulgated on the 31st of December, 1847,^[25] and the first step toward its execution was to despatch Colonel Withers with the 9th infantry to Pachuca; the next was to station Cadwalader's brigade at Toluca; a few weeks later a detachment was sent to Cuernavaca. The number of troops being too great to be conveniently accommodated in the city of Mexico, Riley's brigade was stationed at Tacubaya, Patterson's division at San Ángel, and a portion of Butler's at Molino del Rey.

The annoyances of the Mexican guerrillas caused the sending of a column of newly arrived troops in January to occupy the towns of Córdoba and Orizaba, where the guerrilla chieftains had held their quarters.^[26] There were guerrilla parties constantly annoying the invaders, and often striking serious blows. Those under Rea in Puebla had kept Childs confined to narrow limits in that city, capturing his mules, and intercepting his supplies. In Vera Cruz the parties were under different chiefs, the most notable being Father Jarauta and J. C. Rebolledo, comprising in all about 400 men, mostly rancheros. The enemy's trains required to be strongly guarded by infantry, cavalry, and artillery, and even then they did not always escape unscathed.^[27] The guerrillas of Tamaulipas were under Canales, Urrea, and Romero, having some cavalry officers of the regular army under them. The United States military authorities finally adopted stringent measures to check depredations, and even shot a number who had violated their parole.

During the progress of the events already related, various occurrences took place in the Californias, New Mexico, and on the western coast of Mexico, which, though having but little effect on the main question of the war, were still parts of its history, and had a direct bearing on peace negotiations.^[28]

Public attention was soon called to dissensions among the generals of the invading army. An accusation having been made against Scott, a court of inquiry was ordered by his government. He was deprived of his command, Butler succeeding him on the 18th of February, 1848.^[29] Leaving them to their quarrels, let us continue the thread of Mexican history.

 

The prominent man now was President Manuel de la Peña y Peña, born at Tacuba on the 10th of March, 1789, of a good family though in reduced circumstances. He early gave evidence of talents, and was admitted to the bar on the 16th of December, 1811.^[30] The executive, after Iturbide's fall, made him an oidor of the audiencia, and on the 25th of December, 1824, he was elected by a majority of the states to fill a justiceship in the supreme court of the republic, from which date he was connected with that court nearly all the time till his death.

Peña also held other important offices, namely, minister of the interior in 1837, and member of the poder conservador, in which latter office he achieved prominence. He was professor of law in the university, and toward the end of 1841 participated in framing the bases orgánicas. In 1843 he was made a councillor of state and senator, and to the latter office was reëlected in 1845. He had the portfolio of relations under President Herrera, and at the fall of that administration returned to his position in the supreme court.

Peña's course in upholding the constitution doubtless saved Mexico from the evils of anarchy, which would necessarily have followed if any heed had been paid to Santa Anna's pretension to dictate who should be his successor as president. The new government was unhesitatingly recognized and congratulated by several comandantes generales and governors. It insisted on the elections of members to the national congress being effected. President Peña was thoroughly convinced that the war could not, for the want of resources, be prosecuted any longer, but would not tempt to solve such an important question on his unsupported judgment.^[31]

Santa Anna was ordered to surrender the command of the army to Manuel Rincon or Juan Álvarez. Some bitter correspondence passed between the ex-president and the present incumbent, through Minister La Rosa, who told the former that orders for his trial had been issued because it was necessary to bring the army under discipline, and to energetically repress insubordination and cowardice. Santa Anna was also severely rebuked for the disrespectful tone of his communications to President Peña. He obeyed the order, delivering the command to his second, General Reyes, who was to hold it till the arrival of the commander designated by the government.^[32]

Santa Anna's late military efforts had failed, partly through the lack of morale among his troops; it had been beaten out of them by constant revolutions, or if not by these, certainly by their defeats in the northern campaign. But the blame falls also upon his ow blunders and shortcomings, his uneven capacity and instability of purpose, manifested especially in the battle-field. He redeems himself, on the other hand, with many a diplomatic triumph, and shines with his energy, in rising indomitably after every disaster, in creating resources, forming armies, directing a number of admirable measures, and inspiring all around with zeal.^[33] Peña took upon his shoulders the responsibility of entering upon preliminary negotiations for peace. He well knew that his resolution would be a destructive weapon in the hands of the moderados, among whom was Paredes, who was summoned to Querétaro, and refused to go.^[34]

Congress, having assembled at Querétaro, decreed that a president ad interim should be chosen on the 9th of November, upon which date Pedro M. Anaya was elected with the express condition that his functions should cease on the 8th of January, 1848,^[35] and if congress was not then in session, the office should devolve on the person designated by the constitution. A vote of thanks was awarded to Peña. The latter on the 12th of November, at a very critical time, surrendered the executive authority.^[36] It may be said, however, that the presidential change was merely in name, as Peña at once took charge of the portfolio of relations, and his policy was continued.^[37]

The government's hands were tied by the scarcity of resources. The loss of the capital had evidently disheartened the people. Indeed, it was impossible to rouse the enthusiasm of a people who had neither arms nor ammunition, nor even the means of sustaining life. The states that had not been brought under subjection by the invading enemy spread the false report that the government was negotiating a treaty to sell the Californias, Chihuahua, New Mexico, and a part of Sonora.^[38] The governors of states nearest to Querétaro who could easily come there had been invited by Peña to hold conferences on the 10th of November. Those of Puebla, Querétaro, Michoacan, Guanajuato, San Luis Potosí, and the vice-governor of Zacatecas came. Jalisco accredited a commissioner. The governor of Mexico failed to appear. Those governors closed their conference in the middle of December, declaring that they would sustain the federal government in the fulfilment of its duties.^[39]

Anaya surrendered the executive office on the 8th of January, 1848, to the person designated by the constitution, namely, the president of the supreme court, Peña y Peña, and took charge of the portfolio of war,^[40] ever acting in accord with his successor, who continued his labors to secure a peace.^[41] He earnestly urged the assembling of congress without delay, hoping that the deputies would not forsake their country's interests at this time of tribulation. The governors were asked to coöperate to that end, and were assured that the administration would endeavor to avert the military occupation of the states yet free, by negotiating a treaty of peace which should not tarnish the national honor and dignity. With all these exertions, on the 1lth of January only eight senators and 26 deputies had come to Querétaro. The government not only found the greatest difficulty by reason of scanty resources, but had also to struggle against revolution which now showed its head in San Luis Potosí, and threatened to invade other states. An anarchical plan was proclaimed by the vice-governor on the 12th of January, to the same effect as that which Deputy Zubieta once moved in congress, and was formally rejected. It was the resumption of autonomy, and a revolt against the national sovereignty at the same time that its authors pretended to respect that sovereignty. The government at Querétaro was now in a most difficult position. Fortunately the revolution was strangled at its birth. The vice-governor resigned on being imprisoned, and the legislature sensibly disavowed his seditious plan.^[42] Other seditious attempts were initiated elsewhere, whose object was to upset the government. In the Sierra Gorda revolution had become chronic, and was getting to be more and more bloody every day. It could not be stopped, though a heavy force was sent there to check it. Crimes were of daily occurrence.^[43] Fears were entertained that disorderly and plundering parties would appear in several places, particularly in the regions thickly populated by Indians.

 

The condition of Yucatan, suffering from a war of races, caused great alarm, there being good reason to apprehend that the insurgents would be successful in destroying every vestige of European civilization.

The rebellion of 1847 had its origin in the unappeasable hatred of the Mayas toward their rulers from the earliest time of the Spanish conquest. In republican days their chiefs had often been invited to aid one party or another in the civil wars so constantly scourging the land. It was thus that the chiefs, or caciques, Manuel Antonio Ay, Cecilio Chí, and Antonio Pat, as well as many others, acquired experience in warfare and the use of fire-arms. They had taken part in an emeute^[44] which the government allowed to go unpunished. It was probably this impunity that stimulated them to plan a conspiracy to deluge the country with blood, and to sow devastation throughout its length and breadth. They found a ready coöperator in the notorious murderer, Bonifacio Novelo of Valladolid. The first meeting to treat of the insurrection on behalf of the independence of their race was in the rancho Xihum, about sixteen leagues from Tihosuco, and as many from Valladolid. Ayand Chí attended it, but there is no certainty that Pat did.^[45] Their plan became known to the government. Ay was arrested and executed at Valladolid on July 26th. Chí and Pat were not captured, but many others fell into the government's hands and were harshly dealt with as conspirators against the white race.

Chí struck the first blow, falling upon the town of Tepich on the 30th of July, when the inhabitants were asleep, and pitilessly murdering all the mestizos and mulattoes. Only a few women were for the time spared, to satisfy their lust. One man escaped, however, who carried the tidings to Tihosuco.

The rebellion soon spread through the south and east. Several bloody encounters took place, in which the white men and their allies were victorious, but no decisive results were gained. The measures of the government against the natives were severe; indeed, they formed an inhuman system of persecution, which only helped to swell the ranks of the insurgents, and to increase their animosity.

I have no space to enter into details. The insurrection became so general that the whites and mixed breeds had to abandon their homes, and seek refuge on the coast from their relentless foes, with whom the government could no longer cope.^[46] At last in this time of anguish, help came from an unexpected quarter, in the form of arms and ammunition sent them by the authorities of Cuba. Some Spanish war vessels also rendered assistance in conveying families to places of safety.

In 1848, after peace had been concluded between Mexico and the United States, Commodore Perry was requested by the citizens of Laguna de Términos not to evacuate the island till Mexico could afford them protection, which was acceded to.^[47]

Finally, through the good offices of the curate Vela, a treaty was entered into with Jacinto Pat;^[48] but being several times violated, it soon ceased to have value. The rebels were never short of arms any or ammunition.^[49]

In 1849 a foreign regiment, with most of the men from the United States, was organized, but was disbanded soon after.^[50] The state government, having to provide resources, gave leave in March of that year to take to Cuba or Vera Cruz, as coolies, such Indian prisoners as were willing to go there.^[51] The Mexican government disapproved of the measure, but after a reconsideration, it was carried out with the consent of the latter.

Affairs in Yucatan began to assume a more promising aspect early in 1850, when, after some important victories by the government forces, the Indians saw the necessity of an arrangement.^[52] The state government then, on the 2d of February, 1850, issued a decree intended to induce the Mayas to accept peace, granting pardon to all who had been concerned in the rebellion. The hopes of a peaceable solution were not realized, however, the war still continuing. In 1851 the rebels established their headquarters and stronghold in Chan Santa Cruz. General Vega made strenuous efforts to bring them under subjection, several expeditions to Santa Cruz meeting with considerable success.

A treaty of peace was made, or at least an understanding was arrived at, in 1853, with the chief Tzuc, through the good offices of the superintendent of Belize. The arrangement was drawn up in Spanish, and Maya and several other native leaders accepted it afterward. Under it Chichanjá and other towns of that region laid down their arms, though without submitting to the government of Yucatan, in which anomalous and precarious situation they have remained to the present day.

 

President Peña never lost sight of the great point of securing peace with the United States. Negotiations having that object in view were reopened by the United States commissioner, Nicholas P. Trist, who, though his powers had been withdrawn by his government, continued exercising them on the supposition that, peace being desired by the United States, any treaty honorable to the latter would be ratified without a too close inquiry as to the authority under which it had been accomplished. After several conferences^[53] held between him and the Mexican commissioners, Bernardo Couto, Miguel Atristain, and Luis G. Cuevas, a treaty was finally concluded and signed by them at Guadalupe Hidalgo,^[54] on the 2d of February, 1848, consisting of twenty-three articles, and an additional and secret one extending the term stipulated for the exchange of ratifications. The chief stipulations embraced in the treaty were those contained in articles 5, 6, 12, 13, and 14.

Article 5 fixes the future boundaries between the two republics, and under it Mexico ceded to the United States Texas, New Mexico with all the territory then belonging to it, and Alta California. The limit between the latter and Baja California was made a straight line drawn from the middle of the Rio Gila, where it unites with the Colorado, to a point on the coast of the Pacific Ocean, distant one marine league due south of the southernmost point of the port of San Diego, according to Pantoja's map of 1782. The article also stipulates for the future running of the boundary line between the two nations. Article 6 gives the United States and their citizens a free and uninterrupted passage by the gulf of California and by the river Colorado, below its confluence with the Gila, to and from their possessions north of the boundary line defined in the preceding article. Article 12 stipulates that the United States shall pay Mexico, in consideration of the extension of boundaries acquired by the former, fifteen million dollars, and specifies two modes of payment, one or the other of which the Mexican government is to designate at the time of ratifying the treaty. Article 13 binds the United States government to assume and pay to its claimants against Mexico all amounts due them, and those to become due them by reason of claims liquidated and decided against Mexico under the conventions of April il, 1839, and January 30, 1843. Article 14 exempts Mexico from all claims not decided against her which have arisen previous to the signing of the treaty, the United States assuming their payment, the full amount not exceeding three and a quarter million dollars. Article 23 provides that the treaty shall be ratified agreeably to the constitutions of the two countries, and the ratifications exchanged at Washington in four months from the date of signing, or sooner if practicable. The additional secret treaty allows that the time of exchange of ratifications may be extended to eight months, should the political condition of the Mexican republic so demand it.^[55] On the 6th of February the treaty was officially announced by Minister La Rosa; on the 22d of the same month it was laid by President Polk before the senate of the United States, by which body it was confirmed with some amendments.^[56] The reasons for such amendments were, at subsequent conferences, explained to Minister La Rosa by the United States commissioners Ambrose H. Sevier and Nathan Clifford, and, being deemed sufficient and satisfactory, the Mexican government accepted them, and at once ratified the treaty with such amendments, and it was confirmed by a large majority in the Mexican house of deputies, and by 33 to 5 in the senate.^[57] The United States commissioners, on the 19th of June, officially notified the secretary of state that the treaty was complete, and President Polk, two years and two months from the commencement of the war, issued his proclamation to his people, announcing that peace now reigned between the United States and Mexico. The treaty, indeed, put an end to a war that never should have been undertaken; a war begun by one of the parties to it without any justification, and accepted by the other with a remarkable lack of foresight and indifference to results. Without means, in the midst of political confusion, and after thirty-six years of constant civil disturbance, the Mexican republic nation undertook to measure its strength with a young full of life and vigor, with abundant military and naval elements. And yet, unhappy as the results were for it, one must acknowledge that its honor was maintained. The treaty represents, indeed, its great misfortune, but does not involve perpetually ignominious stipulations, such as many another nation has submitted to at the will of a conqueror. The United States was in the wrong; all the world knows it, all honest American citizens acknowledge it. The Mexican republic lost a large portion of its territory, and with it many citizens, but retained its nationality and independence, with an immense extent of country, more than enough to render it happy and powerful in the future.

Soon after the signing of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, a convention was concluded on the 29th of February by generals Worth and Smith on the part of the United States army of occupation, and generals Mora and Quijano on the part of Mexico's military authorities, for a provisional suspension of hostilities, which was ratified by General Butler, and by Anaya, the Mexican minister of war, on the 6th and 7th of March. It contained seventeen articles, and the object, as it implied, was a cessation of arms pending the exchange of ratifications of the aforesaid treaty, and further to enable the Mexican authorities to restore constitutional civil government in the places occupied by the United States forces.^[58] By virtue of the armistice, and under the special appointment made by the president on the 6th of March, of Juan M. Flores y Teran as governor of the federal district, the latter restored the ayuntamiento of 1847, regulated the collection of municipal taxes, and called the people to choose deputies and senators to the national congress, as well as to elect a president of the republic.

The preparations for the departure of the United States troops had begun about the middle of May; and on the exchange of ratifications of the treaty of peace being published by their general-in-chief, the detachments at Toluca, Cuernavaca, and Pachuca were retired. Patterson's division left Mexico for Vera Cruz on the 30th of May; the other divisions departing in the first days of June, and on the 12th of that month the United States guards were relieved by Mexican troops, the United States flag was hauled down, and the Mexican hoisted upon the national palace and saluted by the artillery of both armies. Worth's division was the last to abandon the city, and after its departure the president and his ministers entered the capital.^[59] The retiring troops spent a few days in Jalapa waiting for transport ships, and on their arrival repaired to Vera Cruz and embarked. The evacuation of the northern line was also effected rapidly and in good order, excepting a little dilatoriness on the part of Sterling Price at Chihuahua.

In Vera Cruz, where the custom-house had been restored to Mexican officials on the 11th of June, the surrender of the city and the fortress of San Juan de Ulúa took place with the usual formalities and salutes. On the same day, the last remaining force of the invaders reëmbarked, and the Mexican people breathed free again.

And now let us consider the results of the Mexican war for the United States, which may be summed up in three items, namely, loss of life, loss of money, and gain of territory. Of the first item, according to official returns, the actual loss in the field, by battle and sickness, was 15,000 men; in battles alone 5,101. This was not all, however. Many on their way to join their regiments in Mexico fell sick and died, without having appeared on the rolls of the actual force. Many died after being mustered out of service. It may therefore be said with truth that the loss of life was not less than 25,000 men.^[60] What it is for 25,000 men to be killed, God knoweth; it was much to them, howsoever little to the magnates at Washington. According to a Mexican account, the number of killed of the Mexicans in the several battles was almost 5,000 men. It is not easy to ascertain what was the actual loss of life sustained by Mexico during the war.^[61] The cost in money to the United States has been estimated at $166,500,000. The loss in money to Mexico will never be ascertained. The gain of territory by the United States was immense, comprising a surface of upwards of 650,000 square miles.

The total strength of the army employed by the United States in Mexico, from April 1846 to April 1848, consisted of 54,243 infantry, 15,781 cavalry, 1,782 artillery, and 25,189 recruits, making a total of 96,995 men. From the foregoing list have been excluded several companies called out in Ohio and Louisiana, but that did not go to Mexico. If included, the total number called out by the government would exceed 100,000 men. The number that actually served in Mexico exceeded 80,000, not all called out at the same time, but in successive periods. At the closing of the war, according to the adjutant-general's reports, there were actually upwards of 40,000 in the field.

 

The war of the United States against Mexico is fraught with instruction. A hope had been cherished by the friends of peace among some nations, that in a pure republic, where the people rule, a warlike spirit could not be fostered. Here and elsewhere it has proved otherwise. The spirit developed by free institutions makes the republican a most formidable soldier when he is not swayed by moral scruples. In the United States sectional rivalries and interests, and the eagerness to gain distinction, had fanned the flame of passion for war, and the battle-field was looked to as a good arena for deciding the pending issues as well as for competition. Social, political, commercial, or industrial interests are but broken reeds, as man will not give up the gratification of his passions, even though by so doing he may make a profit. Civilization has done away with many of the old barbarous practices, but unless supported by a truly christian spirit will not afford the adequate remedy.

The so-called improvements of warfare in the opinion of men justify the continuance of war, on the ground that the destruction of life and the infliction of suffering have been much diminished by the new devices. God save the mark! Killing men is not a trade susceptible of improvement; the experience of the Mexican war shows that neither side dispensed with the horrors of ancient practices.^[62] If the injustice of all war was never before established, it was made clear by this contest between the two republics of North America. The saddest lesson to learn by the citizens of the United States is that the war they waged against their neighbor is a signal example of the employment of might against right, or force to compel the surrender by Mexico of a portion of her territory, and therefore a blot upon their national honor.^[63] The United States had an opportunity of displaying magnanimity to a weaker neighbor, aiding her in the experiment of developing republican institutions, instead of playing the part of bully.

President Polk recklessly waged a devastating war, and yet pretended to be sighing for peace. His supporters in the press advocated the bombardment of Mexican cities, and an inhuman destruction of Mexican life.^[64] Those barbarous sentiments were aggravated by the false pretext on which they were urged, namely, that Mexico had provoked the war. It was President Polk's action in ordering troops beyond the limits of the United States and into Mexican territory that brought on the war. It was an assumption on his part of powers not vested in him by law. The war, though recognized by congress after hostilities had begun, was in fact the device of Polk and his party. He had no right to involve his country in war, and the house of representatives told him so.^[65] The four days' bombardment of Vera Cruz was no doubt effected according to the laws of war; but this does not tend to increase our respect for war laws, for it was horrible and wholly unnecessary work.^[66] Add the illegitimate barbarities committed — often with impunity — by an undisciplined, lawless rabble, such as a large portion of the United States forces was composed of — unfortunately too well authenticated, and retaliated for as they often were by the Mexicans, especially the guerrilla parties — and we have acts of atrocity, whosoever were their authors, evidencing a depravity of nature as appalling as it was disgraceful.^[67]

The United States could have secured peace by ceasing to assail the Mexicans, who were fighting only in self-defence. But the so much desired peace they were resolved so to secure by war that a bargain, which was nothing better than barefaced robbery, should be secured. The coveted acquisition was secured, and President Polk boasted in his message to the United States senate of "the magnanimous forbearance exhibited toward Mexico." All this, as every intelligent American knows, was pure humbug. It was not magnanimity but policy which prompted Polk and his fellows to pay Mexico about twenty million dollars when she was at the conqueror's mercy. It gave among the nations, howsoever Almighty God regarded it, some shadow of title to stolen property.^[68]

 

The negotiation of a treaty to bring peace to distracted Mexico was the source of great trouble in the country, caused by those who used it as a pretext to promote their own aims. A revolution broke out at Aguascalientes, whose chiefs were Governor Cosío and the guerrilla leader Padre Cenobio Jarauta. With about 1,000 men they drove out of the city the comandante general, Manuel Arteaga, who had refused to join them.

Jarauta, in accord with the garrison of Lagos, published in June the plan of the discontented in five articles, the chief points of which were to ignore the existing government, and that the states should reassume their sovereignty, and provide means for the constitution of another. Meantime the command of the forces was to be vested in the general officer of the highest rank who had accepted the plan. This arrangement, the secret work of Paredes, was signed by seven men.

Paredes left Aguascalientes June 12, 1848, joined Jarauta and his companions, and marched on Guana juato, which seconded his views on the 15th. The governor was deposed, and Manuel Doblado appointed in his place. Doblado issued a stirring address to other governors, but they paid no further notice than to strongly disapprove it.^[69] Paredes met with a similar

Paredes Last campaign.

rebuff from General Anastasio Bustamante, who was despatched with a large force to attack him. Much hard fighting ensued, but the most important action was on the 18th of July, when the town was assaulted and Jarauta taken prisoner, conveyed to Valenciana, and shot.^[70] His death disheartened the rebels. Their chiefs pretended much resolution to continue fighting, but it was a mere ruse to gain time. Indeed, in the morning of the 19th, Paredes, Doblado, and the rest escaped. The city then surrendered. The chief leader, Paredes, went to Europe. All the implicated were finally pardoned.^[71]

In the midst of the confusion, the election for president of the republic took place, and José Joaquin de Herrera was reëlected and assumed his duties, and Peña returned to his post of president of the supreme court on the 3d of June, 1848.

Ex-president Peña was the author of several lectures on jurisprudence, which are highly valued by the legal profession of Mexico. He had the reputation of being an excellent husband and father, a loyal friend, and upright judge. He was greatly respected and beloved, though there were not wanting some who called him a traitor for the treaty with the United States that he advocated as chief magistrate of the republic. His death occurred on the 2d of January, 1850; his remains were accompanied to the grave by rich and poor, and all classes.^[72]

 

 

1. He was not to sell any portion of the national territory, neither was he to levy forced loans, nor seize private property without compensation, nor enter into contracts for foreign colonization. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1847, 49-51; Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 124-7; Niles' Reg., lxxii. 214-16.
2. This was in accordance with the act of April 1st, suppressing the vice-presidency, authorizing the appointment of a substitute for the president when absent or unable to act, and fixing the 15th of May prox. as the date for the states to elect the president of the republic. Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1847, 53-5; Mayers' Mex. Aztec., i. 369; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 264-6; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., vi. 190-1.
3. The ministers tendered their resignations, which were not accepted. Iriarte was, however, succeeded in the department of justice May 15th by Luis de la Rosa; and Gutierrez, in that of war, May 22d, by Lino José Alcorta.
4. His promotions were so slow that, having taken part in 20 actions, he only became a captain early in 1819, and still held this rank in 1821.
5. Several important measures were adopted, namely: organization of the national guard; a law for the punishment of deserters; and one of general amnesty for all political offences from the time Mexico became a nation. Another to the same effect was issued June 14th. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 268-9, 284-5.
6. The act is dated April 20th. He was, however, forbidden to make peace with the U. S., to conclude negotiations with foreign powers, or to sell national territory. Art. 5 declares it high treason for any one to enter into treaties with the U. S. Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., vi. 228-9; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1847, 60-2; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 267-8.
7. In the defence of the capital, Anaya was taken prisoner, but during the armistice, was unconditionally released.
8. His ministers at the time were: of relations, M. Baranda to 17th June, D. Ibarra to 6th July, José R. Pacheco to Sept. 16th; of justice, J. M. Duran to June 17th, V. Romero to Sept. 16th; of the treasury, Juan Rondero to Sept. 7th, and F. M. Lombardo to Sept. 16th; of war, I. Gutierrez to May 22d, L. J. Alcorta to Sept. 16th. Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1045.
9. One of the reform articles prescribed that, besides the senators chosen by the states, there should be an equal number to that of the states chosen on the nomination of the senate, of the supreme court of justice, and of the house of deputies, voting by deputations. The persons obtaining these three suffrages to be the elect, and the chamber of deputies, voting by persons, was to name the rest to complete the number. The office of vice-president was suppressed. Art. 30 declared that on the publication of this law, all the public authorities were to conform thereto; the legislative power continuing vested in the present congress till the assembling of the first constitutional chamber. The states were to continue observing their respective constitutions, and in conformity with them renew their authorities. Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 237-300; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1847, 76-157; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 375-83.
10. Objections having been raised by Puebla and Michoacan, some delay occurred. Congress allowed, in Aug. 1848, further time for the states interested, and they finally consented. Méx., Col. Ley., 1848, i. 282-3; Id., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1848, 307; Id., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 305; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 438; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 359, 369.
11. Art. 1 substituted the president of the supreme court, associated with generals J. J. de Herrera and Nicolás Bravo; art. 2 said that this decree should remain in force till congress assembled and provided otherwise.
12. Art. 2 of that decree provided that the supreme authorities should, for the time, and till otherwise ordered by the national legislature, reside in Querétaro.
13. The nation was without a head from the 17th to the 25th of Sept.
14. Discipline was at an end. The men would lag behind to seize food and other necessaries at the haciendas and small towns. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 5, 6.
15. Ripley's War with Mex., ii. 491.
16. See Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 344-7.
17. It is said the invaders plundered the place and committed outrages. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 519.
18. Ripley says the Mexicans had 500 lancers and some infantry in Huamantla when Lane entered the place, and that the invaders lost there 13 killed and 11 wounded, Capt. Walker of the riflemen, a distinguished officer, being among the former. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 519-20, does not agree with him in either particular. The latter adds that Lane's casualties from Santa Anna's attacks on his rear were 100 killed and 24 prisoners. Lane has acknowledged that the fight was a bloody one, 'the Mexicans combated their assailants with the energy and fury of despair.' Autobiog., MS., 76-8.
19. By the 15th art. of his regulations the city with its religious buildings, inhabitants, and property were placed under the special guard of the faith and honor of the U. S. army — an injunction that was not fully carried out, at least as respected the treatment of the inhabitants. As a consideration for the protection thus tendered, a tax was levied on the city of $150,000, payable in weekly instalments of $37,500 each. The ayuntamiento was charged with its collection and payment, to effect which it raised a loan at 15 per cent. Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 363; Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 511-13.
20. No private property was to be occupied without the owner's consent, or special orders from general headquarters. U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 30, Ses. 1, Sen. Ex. 1, p. 389-90.
21. The Mexican civil authorities were of course subject to the governor. Ripley's War with Mex., ii. 533-4; Mayer's Mex. Aztec., i. 420-1; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., viii. 1-35.
22. The Mexicans complained that the U. S. military authorities inflicted the penalty of flogging on the lower class of population for slight offences, and were answered that it was in accordance with military law and usage. There was no safety for life or property, the city being at the mercy of robbers, traitorous counter-guerrillas, and drunken volunteers. The ayuntamiento remonstrated without obtaining satisfaction. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 543; Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 366; El Razonador, Nov. 6, 1847. Ripley acknowledges. that the discipline among the troops had after a while become much relaxed, and vice was rampant. A fruitful cause of outrages was the vices openly permitted by the governor and general-in-chief. War with Mex., ii. 569.
23. The members were most of them persons of no standing. The president, Francisco Suarez Iriarte, was, however, a man of ability, had been a minister of state, and was at this time a deputy to the national congress. They carried their obsequiousness to the pitch of giving a banquet to the conqueror, Scott, in the beautiful spot called El Desierto, on the 25th of January. It has been asserted that on that occasion toasts were drunk in honor of the victory of the U. S. arms in the valley of Mexico, and the desire expressed for the annexation of all Mexico to the U. S. Iriarte was, after the Mexican government reoccupied Mexico, brought to trial. He made a very able defence; he was kept in prison several months, and on account of ill health, allowed to go to his estate, where he died soon after. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 550-4; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xiii. 100-2.
24. The American Star and the North American. The first named had been originally published in Puebla. It was filled with abuse of the Mexicans, particularly of Santa Anna and the Mexican troops, though still leaning in favor of peace. The other, sustained by officers of the invading army, advocated the annexation of Mexico to the U. S. It had some able Spanish articles supposed to have emanated from Mexican pens. The Spanish papers were El Monitor, which went as far as it dared in defending Mexico's cause; El Eco del Comercio advocated peace and the union of parties; and El Cangrejo, which abused the respectable classes, occasionally giving some evidences of wit.
25. U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 30, Ses. 1, H. Ex. 60, p. 1063.
26. Particulars on those movements in Ripley's War with Mex., ii. 575-9; El Arco Iris, Feb. 2, 1848; Free Am., Feb. 17, 1848; Jenkins' Mex. War, 483.
27. Once they attacked a convoy at Tolome, capturing 14 wagons and upwards of 400 loaded mules, and killing 100 men. Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 387.
28. See Hist. Cal., v.; Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series, giving the military and naval operations on the Pacific, and Gen. Price's campaign in Chihuahua.
29. Scott's Mem., 583–95; Ripley's War with Mex., ii. 585; Niles' Reg., 1xxiv. 4-5; El Razonador, Feb. 26, 1848.
30. In 1813 he was síndico of the ayuntamiento of Mexico, an office that he filled so ably that the king appointed him, at the request of many respectable and influential persons, an oidor of the audiencia of Quito in Ecuador, which he did not accept, requesting to be employed in New Spain. By the time this was decided the independence had been consummated, when Peña swore to support it, and was given a high position in the territorial audiencia of Mexico, which he retained till the 21st of October, 1822, when, being already a councillor of state, he was appointed by the emperor minister to Columbia, which appointment had no effect, the empire having ceased soon after. He had also conferred on him the cross of the order of Guadalupe. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 341-2.
31. The governors were requested to suggest, in the event of their not favoring a continuation of the war, the best mode of conducting it for the national safety and honor.
32. Santa Anna went to reside with his family in Tehuacan, where he narrowly escaped capture by Lane on the 23d of January. Early in 1848 he obtained a passport to go abroad, and with a safe-conduct of the U. S. forces embarked at La Antigua on the Spanish brig Pepita. Early in 1850 he went to Cartagena, and fixed his residence in Turbaco. Subsequent political events in Mexico recalled him to his country.
33. Besides the defence of his conduct issued in Apelacion, Mex., 1849, 71 and 184 pp., which covers the entire campaign, and in Detall de las Oper., 1-48, relating to the defence of the capital, Santa Anna appealed also to the public in Manif. Mex., 1848, 1-12, and Comunic. Ofic., Guad., 1848, 1-11; Pap. Var., xcix., pts 17-18; and through journals like Arco Iris, Razonador, Nov. 3, 6, 1847, Jan. 1, 1848, etc. He was the most prominent fighter of Mexico in the war of 1846-8. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 533.
34. Peña caused to be released on parole all prisoners of the enemy, and adopted several measures directed to the correction of abuses.
35. His election was formally announced on the 11th of Nov. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1847, 214-16; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 305-6.
36. Several attempts at revolution in Guan had somewhat occupied the government's attention. El Correo Nacional, Oct. 29, 1847; El Arco Iris, Dec. 6, 1847. A revolt had been successful in Oajaca; large bodies of men had gathered in the sierra of Querétaro, whose aim was to prey upon the country; in Chiapas a faction was working to reannex her to Guatemala, that faction claiming that the people were tired of Mexico's misrule and neglect of their interests. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 23; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 314; Tab., Manif. del Gob., 1-20.
37. His colleagues then were, Luis de la Rosa, in treasury and justice; and Ignacio de Mora y Villamil, in war and navy. Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1847, 216; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1046. The most important measures of the new administration were: granting pardon to deserters reporting themselves with their arms; reorganizing the army; and demanding from the states an extraordinary contingent of 16,000 men. Méx., Doc. Min. Guerra, 1-13.
38. What gave rise to such a report was that the government's correspondence with its commissioners in Mexico, Miguel Atristain and Juan Hierro Maldonado, to treat of peace, was intercepted. The governor of San Luis Potosí wanted the war to continue, and protested against any peace. The legislature of Mexico demanded that the question of peace should not be acted upon without first obtaining the sanction of the integral parts of the republic, proposing that each should accredit two deputies fully instructed. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 36-7.
39. 'En la extension y forma prescritas por la constitucion.' Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 567-8.
40. His colleagues were Luis de la Rosa, of relations and treasury; J. MI. Duran, of justice. Méx., Leg. Mej., 1848, 8.
41. Anaya was again secretary of war under Arista; serving in Ceballos' administration three days. On Santa Anna's restoration he was made postmaster-general, and held this office at his death on the 21st of March, 1854.
42. The executive of that state wanted the war to continue at all hazard, and organized troops. It was said that Governor Adame, if that plan had succeeded, would be the president, and even those who would be his ministers were spoken of.
43. The rebels marauding in the sierra de Huejutla asked aid from the U. S. commanders, which was refused them. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 67.
44. Jan. 15, 1847. Baqueiro, Ensayo Hist., iii. ap. 98-101.
45. Chí was the most blood-thirsty. Ay thought their enemies could be subdued without spiling much blood. Pat wanted his race to be above all others, and to rule; but he had no desire to exterminate or expel the whites.
46. Busto, Estad. Rep. Mex., iii. pt 1, 263; Mayer's Mex. Aztec., i. 429; Niles' Reg., lxxiii. 5.
47. Three hundred and fifty men were left till relieved by a Mexican force. It is asserted that the governor tendered the sovereignty over Yucatan to any nation that would assume its protection. Baqueiro, Ensayo Hist., ii. 331-3, 374-6, 394-403; Ancona, Hist. Үuс., iv. 106, 109; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., xii. 171-2, 194.
48. A most ominous and humiliating one, inasmuch as it stipulated, among other things, that the Indians should retain their arms, and all that had been taken from them should be restored. Miguel Barbachano, for whom Pat had a special predilection, was to be governor of Yucatan for life, and Pat, chief or governor of the Indians, also for life. Personal and distilling taxes were to be abolished, and ecclesiastical fees much reduced. Baqueiro, Ensayo Hist., ii. 403–14.
49. There is abundant evidence of their being supplied by the traders of British Honduras. Belize, Yuc. Espos. Gob. Créditos, 98-102.
50. Niles' Reg., lxxv. 205.
51. It was said that they went willingly; but this is rather doubtful, as the government received a bonus of $25 per head. Barbachano, Discurso, 20-1.
52. Their proposals may be seen in Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xiii. 358-64.
53. The proposition was made to Trist by the Mexican commissioners that an armistice and cessation of arms should be entered into. Trist laid it before Gen. Scott, but the latter for good reasons would not take upon himself the responsibility of granting a second armistice till a treaty had become a fact. This was verbally made known by Trist to the commissioners of Mexico, whose government then, after due consideration, resolved to secure an arrangement of the questions at issue between the two countries, by secret negotiations, and without an armistice, leaving the latter to be entered into when the arrangement should have been completed. Couto, one of the Mexican commissioners, wrote Peña on the 3d of Dec. that Scott, though unwilling to formally agree to a cessation of arms, promised not to prosecute hostilities. He fulfilled his promise, contenting himself with the occupation of two or three new places, when he might, had he chosen, have freely invaded the central states. Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 590-1; Apunt. Hist. Guerra, 392.
54. It has been stated that Trist himself chose the place, because of the veneration felt for it by the Mexicans, Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 607.
55. Arts 1 to 4 relate to a firm peace in the future, and stipulate the suspension of hostilities, cessation of blockades, evacuation of Mexican territory, surrender of castles, plans, and public property by U. S. forces. Art. 7 gives the right of navigating the river Gila, and the part of the Rio Bravo del Norte below the southern boundary of New Mexico, to the vessels and citizens of both countries. Art. 8 gives to Mexicans established in territories formerly belonging to Mexico, and wishing to remain in them in future, the rights of U. S. citizenship, unless they should signify within one year their preference for Mexican citizenship, with which character they might also remain, and hold property, which would be respected. Art. 9 secures ample guarantees to all ecclesiastic and religious corporations or communities in the territories acquired by the U. S. under this treaty. Art. 17. The treaty of Apr. 5, 1831, between the two countries is revived for eight years in every particular not incompatible with the stipulations of this treaty. Arts 21 and 22 prescribe the manner of avoiding hostilities in the future, the privileges of merchants, mode of alleviating the fate of prisoners, etc. Full texts of the treaty may be found in Méx., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 193-226; Mansfield's Mex. War, 332-45; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1848, 30-95; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 28-93; Niles' Reg., lxxiv. 43-5; Young's Hist. Mex., 559-67; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 367-80; Ripley's War with Mex., ii. 581-5. Pursuant to the terms of the treaty, Mexico and the U. S. appointed commissioners to run the boundaries. The former also made provision to bring into her territory Mexican families residing in the ceded territory and desirous of coming to Mexico. Dublin and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 438-41, 491; Méx., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 235-8; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1848, 307-14; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 305-12.
56. The modifications were in the 9th, 10th, and 12th articles. The additional and secret article was expunged entirely.
57. A question on the constitutionality of the treaty was raised by a number of deputies, but their objections were overruled by the supreme court. Bravo, Impugn., 1-20; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1848, i. 684-708; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectif., 331-52.
58. Text of the convention in Méx., Derecho Intern., 1st pt, 250-4; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 94-101; Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1848, 96-163; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. 345-8.
59. A description of the events appears in a contemporaneous narrative, which is copied in Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 628. The official announcement of the reoccupation of the capital by the Mexican government appears in Méx., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1848, i. 70-2. In September next, honors were paid to the Mexican victims of the war.
60. Mansfield's Mex. War, 347, 356-65; Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, 537-8. Livermore sets 20,000 as a very moderate computation. War with Mex., 110.
61. Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 234; El Arco Iris, Feb. 9, 1848.
62. 'Plundering, massacres, cruelties, the killing of the wounded on the field of battle, and even in some cases burning alive at the stake, have been recorded, on the highest official authority, as a part of the history of the Mexican war.' Livermore's War with Mex., 263.
63. A compound of the crime of the highwayman, who puts his pistol at your head, and cries, "Deliver or die!" and the truckling of the pedler whho trades in small wares, and chuckles over his hard-driven bargain after it is made.' Livermore's War with Mex., 265.
64. Destroy the city of Mexico, level it with the earth on which it stands, serve Puebla, Perote, Jalapa, Saltillo, and Monterey in the same way, and then increase our demand,' says one. 'Unless we distress the Mexicans, carry destruction and loss of life to every fireside, and make them feel a rod of iron, they will not respect us,' says another. The Union, Polk's organ, indulges in the old Christ-like logic: Henceforth we must seek peace, and compel it by inflicting on our enemies all the evils of war.' See Jay's Rev. Mex. War, 259.
65. Polk well knew that congress would not authorize his invading Mexico to compel the payment of an alleged debt.
66. The foreign consuls wrote Gen. Scott, March 24, 1847, of 'the frightful results.' The New York Herald said that the bombardment placed the town in ruins, 'under which great numbers of non-combatants, men, women, and children, were buried.' Many heart-rending descriptions might be quoted.
67. Such cases, almost without number, might be given here, not only from contemporaneous correspondence of reputable journals such as the Charleston Mercury, Louisville Journal, New Orleans Picayune, Saint Louis Republican, Boston Daily Times, El Arco Iris, a Mexican newspaper, and numerous others; but likewise from official reports to the war department at Washington, including the spirited remonstrance of May 10, 1847, by Gen. Mora y Villamil, at San Luis Potosí, to Gen. Taylor, in which he uses these words: The treacherous assassinations of Agua Nueva, Cataria, and Marin have not been the only ones;' the 'ruin, devastation, and conflagration of towns mark everywhere the march of the invading army.' Such outrages also occurred on the line from Vera Cruz to Mexico. U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 30, Ses. 1, I. Ex. 60, p. 910-14, 1139-42, 1178; Sen. 26; Miscel. 73, 78; Sen. 52, 347.
68. Livermore, Abiel Abbot. The War with Mexico Reviewed. Boston, 1850. Sm. 8°, 310 pp. This work was intended by the author to be a review of the Mexican war on the principles of christianity, and an enlightened statesmanship. A committee of award, composed of three of the most distinguished divines in the U. S., pronounced it the best as yet written on the subject, allowing him the premium offered by the American peace society. It is full of facts on the events of the war, which is exhaustively treated in a philosophical and christian spirit, deprecating its commencement, and the causes that led to it, the mode of its prosecution, both in its legitimate and illegitimate bearings.
69. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 94-100; Méx., Col. Ley., 1848, i. 104-6. The refusals and condemnation of several governors are seen in El Correo Nac., June 30 to Aug. 3, 1848.
70. The execution was pursuant to orders from the government. Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 295, says Jarauta was allowed only half an hour to prepare for death. According to Bustamante's report, he was shot three hours after capture. Jarauta was a friar, and had been a carlist leader in Spain in favor of absolutism. It is claimed that, though not a Mexican, he had done good service to Mexico, and whatever his political faults, he should have been spared. Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xiii. 198-202. The fact is, that in his guerrilla warfare he was hardly better than a highwayman, plundering both friend and foe without much discrimination.
71. El Heraldo, Nov. 20, 1848; El Repub. Jalisciense, July 20, 1848; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1851, 116-18; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vi. 46-7, 82.
72. The coffin was carried on the shoulders of the sergeants of the several regiments, and the pall-bearers represented the army, the treasury, and the university. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 354.

    American writers on the war with Mexico are numerous; and many of their productions, owing to extravagant exaggeration, or to the fact that they are mere compilations without any originality or reflection, are worthless to the historian. Apart from official documents, the most important of American authorities for a history embracing the whole war is: R. S. Ripley, The War with Mexico. 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 524, 650. New York, 1849. The author was a brevet major of the U. S. army, and first lieut of the 2d regiment of artillery, and his work possesses merit, not only on account of the ability displayed, but also owing to the advantages possessed by the writer for collecting material. A personal observation of both the principal routes of operation, his intimate acquaintance with many American officers, and his intercourse with Mexican officers, together with his access to the official publications of the two governments, supplied him with excellent means of producing an impartial history of the war. This, he states in his preface, was his aim; and it must be admitted that he has succeeded as far as all reasonable expectation could desire. The work contains an account of all the operations during the war, down to the time of the evacuation of Mexico, preceded by an introductory chapter on Mexican relations with the U. S. previous to the breaking-out of hostilities. Ripley criticises the military movements of the different generals on either side, his observations being made with reference to the approved maxims of great military men. Both Scott's and Taylor's errors in generalship are exposed, as well as those of their opponents. At times the author is somewhat prolix. He supplies good plans of all the principal battle-fields.

    Scott's Memoirs. 8vo, 2 vol., pp. xxii. 653. New York, 1864. The first volume is devoted to the early life of the autobiographer, and to his career while serving in the U. S. army in Canada, and during the Chippewa and Black Hawk wars. About 250 pages of the second volume are occupied with the Mexican war and matters connected with it. But little information is obtained from the general's narrative additional to that furnished in his own despatches, which he frequently reproduces in the Memoirs. He gives some account of his differences with the U. S. government and Taylor, which could be of vital importance to no one but himself. He enters, moreover, into an explanation of his quarrel with Trist — pp. 576-80 — attributing its initiation to feelings of mutual dislike that accidently arose between them at Washington, and to his own belief that the commissioner's known prejudice against him had much weight in his appointment. The offensive tone of Trist's letters is attributed to ill health; Scott speaks of him as a most amiable companion, and regrets that he was afterward neglected by the U. S. government.

    Raphael Semmes, Service Afloat and Ashore during the Mexican War. 8vo, pp. 479. Cincinnati, 1851. The author was flag-lieut of the U. S. home squadron operating in the gulf of Mexico. After the capture of Vera Cruz, he was despatched to the seat of the Mexican government to treat about the exchange of prisoners. In the prosecution of this mission he joined the American army at Jalapa, and was attached to Scott's staff as a volunteer aide-de-camp. From this time he followed that general till his entry into the Mexican capital, and had ample opportunities not only of obtaining material for a history of that campaign, but also of making himself familiar with the habits and customs of the Mexican people. His work, which from its title would lead the reader to suppose it confined to naval and military operations, is largely taken up with descriptions of the people and country and Mexican history, the portions of it devoted to the war being comparatively small. The work met with so favorable a reception by the public that within a year a second edition was issued. This induced the publishers, in the absence of the author, to issue an abridged form, omitting those portions not directly connected with the campaign under Scott, who was then a candidate for the presidency. The title assumed for this smaller 8vo of 367 pages is: The Campaign of General Scott in the Valley of Mexico; by Lieut Raphael Semmes, U. S. N. Cincinnati, 1852.

    Edward D. Mansfield, The Mexican War: A History of its Origin, and a Detailed Account of the Victories, etc. 8vo, pp. 365. New York, 1849. This work is valuable as being based chiefly upon public documents, copies of which occupy a large portion of it. Its principal characteristic is an absence of prejudice, and an evident desire for impartiality. On pages 143-62 will be found a translation of Santa Anna's account of the battle of Buena Vista. The author remarks in his preface that he has 'felt no pleasure in tracing the causes which led to this war.' Only a rapid sketch is given of the events connected with New Mexico and California. Mansfield was a graduate of the U. S. military academy. During the time of Scott's candidateship Mansfield published Life and Services of General Winfield Scott. 8vo, pp. 536. Auburn, 1852. This work naturally includes Scott's campaign in Mexico, but this part is only an abbreviation of the previous production.

    George C. Furber, The Twelve Months' Volunteer; or Journal of a Private in the Tennessee Regiment of Cavalry, etc. Large 8vo, pp. 640. Cincinnati, 1850. Though 'a complete history of the war with Mexico' is included in this production, it adds little regarding main events. Nevertheless, it has the merit of being original in the greater part, and is interesting to the general reader as containing accounts of the amusements, duties, and hardships of a soldier's life in camp. The author has not confined himself to incidents of the war, a large portion of the volume being descriptive of the Mexican manners, customs, and religious ceremonies. Furber continued Philip Young's History of Mexico, her Civil Wars and Colonial and Revolutionary Annals, large 8vo, pp. 656, Cincinnati, 1830 — which terminates with the capture of Vera Cruz — and carried it down to the treaty of peace. In this production he has confined himself strictly to historical events, and has produced a large amount of documentary evidence.

    Brantz Mayer, Mexico as It Was and as It Is. 8vo, pp. 390. New York, 1844. The author of this interesting book on Mexico was secretary to the U. S. legation to that country in 1841-2, and possessed all the qualities necessary for the production of good work. To a power of close observation he united a fine imagination, and with his mind alive to all interesting matters, he was indefatigable in his researches and examination of the peculiarities of the country. So versatile were his talents that he was at home on any subject, and in the volume under discussion he occupies himself with equal zeal and ability on affairs of the church and political matters; on the antiquities of the country and the general government; on commerce, agriculture, and manufactures; on coinage and mines; and on the habits, customs, and social condition of the natives. Moreover, having travelled extensively in Mexico, he gives pleasing descriptions of the physical features of the country. Nevertheless, owing to Brantz Mayer's views regarding the working of the Roman catholic religion in Mexico, he has not escaped severe criticism. In March 1844, shortly after the publication of his work, a long article devoted to its dissection appeared in The United States Catholic Magazine and Monthly Review. In this review it is declared that the production can confer no real benefit on society; Mayer is charged with prejudice, and with having distorted facts both past and present; and with injustice to the Mexicans. The reviewer considered it his duty to vindicate the people of Mexico from the unfounded imputations of a writer whose pen got the better of his judgment. Mayer may have been too unsparing in his descriptions of the more disagreeable aspects and propensities of the Mexicans, and in his condemnation of useless institutions, to suit their pride, or the taste of such advocates of conservatism as the reviewer; but his production doubtless represents a truthful picture of Mexico at the time. His work is profusely illustrated. A third edition was published in Philadelphia in 1847. In 1848 Brantz Mayer published simultaneously in New York and London his History of the War between Mexico and the United States. This smaller production properly commences with a preliminary view of the origin of the war, in which the author devotes some pages to a rapid glance at the laws and system introduced by the Spaniards into Mexico, and then considers the effect upon the population by bad administration, as bearing upon modifications of national character. In his narrative of events after hostilities had broken out, Mayer, though following principally the American official reports, does full justice to the heroism of the Mexican armies on the field of battle. But by far the most important of Brantz Mayer's productions is: Mexico, Aztec, Spanish, and Republican. 8vo, 2 vol., pp. 433 and 399. Hartford, 1853. For the preparation of this work he consulted a large number of excellent authorities, and subjoins a list of the principal ones — more than 80 in number — to his preface. The first volume contains the history of Mexico from the conquest down to the termination of the war with the U. S., including a sketch of the Aztec empire and civilization. In this history, the first complete account of the viceregal period published in English was presented to the public. The second volume is devoted to a consideration of Mexico during the time at which the author wrote. Its geological and geographical structure; its commerce and industries; its laws and constitutions; and its political and national condition — are severally discussed. Then follows a description of the individual states and territories, and their different antiquities, productions, and characteristics. The work concludes with similar notices of New Mexico and California as parts of the U. S. Mayer, during his residence in Mexico, obtained copies of a number of important documents filed in the general archive in the capital. I have been fortunate enough to obtain possession of 30 of them, ranging in date from 1689 to 1812. They comprise royal orders, viceroy's reports, and accounts of expeditions to and events in Texas, California, and New Mexico. I have had them bound into one large folio volume, and catalogued it under the title of Mayer's MSS. Mexicanos.

    Consideracion sobre la Situacion Política y Social de la Republica Mexicana. Mexico, 1848. 8vo, pp. 56. This anonymous pamphlet is signed 'Varios Mexicanos.' It gives a review of the general condition of the country in 1847, considered in a military, clerical, official, and social point of view, in order to explain the ruinous result of the war with the U. S. The language used is free, the Mexicans being described as a nation without nationality, full of corruption and vanity, and lacking any signs of seriousness or energy.

    Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna, Apelacion al Buen Criterio de los Nacionales y Estrangeros. 8vo, pp. 71 and 184. Mexico, 1849. On the 27th of August, 1847, the deputy Ramon Gamboa laid before congress a series of charges against Santa Anna relative to his conduct of the war, accusing him of treachery. After the fall of the capital, Gamboa amplified his accusations, and on Nov. 15th presented them to the chamber. Santa Anna in 1848, having obtained a passport and safe-conduct from the American general, left Mexico in April, and proceeded to Kingston, Jamaica, whence in Feb. 1849 he addressed the above defence of his conduct to the president of the grand jury in Mexico. In it he reviews his career from the commencement of his campaign in Texas down to his departure from Mexico, and endeavors to refute Gamboa's charges. He naturally repudiates the accusations of bad generalship and treachery, and enters into explanations of what he considered the causes of the disasters which attended the Mexican arms. He supports his argument by a number of official documents, which occupy the last 184 pages of the Apelacion.

    Bustamante, Invasion de Mexico por los Anglo Americanos, MS. This manuscript of 172 folios was one of the last efforts of the author at production, and is a revision and continuation of El Nuevo Bernal Diaz, of which I have already taken notice. Many of the pages are in Bustamante's own handwriting, but the greater portion of the work is written by an amanuensis. It carries on the narrative of the invasion from the time of Scott's departure from Puebla to the capture of the city of Mexico, which Bustamante thus stigmatizes: 'Ocupacion indecente y cobarde de Mexico, por el ejército Anglo Americano mandado por el General Scott por causa de la infame traycion y cobardia de Antonio Lopez de Sta Anna.' f. 148. Many other matters, political, internal, and military, occupy the attention of Bustamante in this production, besides the operations in the valley of Mexico. His usual want of order in arrangement is observable.

    For additional authorities on this and three preceding chapters, consult Méx., Apuntes Hist. Guerra, 91, 115-27, 151-343, 362-403; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., v. passim, vi. 46-7, 82, 379-85, 402-3, 530; Bustamante, Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., iv. 209, 236-7, 250, v. 1-245, vi.-vii. passim, viii. 1-43, 79; Id., Méx, en 1848, MS., 3-44; Id., Nuevo Bernal Diaz, ii. 54-235; Id., Invasion de los Amer., MS., 12-13, 37-9, 51-6, 61-73, 87-152; Id., Campaña sin Gloria, 3-4, 6-37: Ramsey's Other Side, passim; Roa Bárcena, Recuerdos, passim; Méx., Col. Leyes Fund., 287-300; Id., Legisl. Mej., 1848, 48, 28-108, 142-3, 195-7, 305-12; 1849, 318-19; 1850, 3-8, 42, 60-2, 113, 121-3, 180-1, 188-96, 206, 212-14; 1851, 116-18; 1852, 122-3; 1853, 619-21; 1856, 111-14; Id., Col. Leyes y Dec., 1847-8, passim; 1850, 9-13, 34, 85; Id., Col. Leyes y Dec., 1848, i. 7-19, 70-3, 104-6, 128-9, 153-6, 257-65, 282-3, 684-708; Id., Col. Ley., Dес. у Órd., 1850-1, і. 3-6, 28-9, 42-3, 77-8, 83-90, 114-16, 127-32, 143-4; 1853, iv. 26-7, 33-4, 51-2, 66, 345-6, v. 87, 217-18; Busto, Estad. Rep. Mex., iii. 1st pt, 263; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 208, 339-40, 352, 357-60, 369, 372, 404, 422, 496, 544; Id., Hist. Jalapa, iii.-iv. passim; Id., Méx. Pint., i. 24-6, 49-51, 205-6, ii. 258-65, 430-4; Couto, Tratado de Paz, 1-48; Arrillaga, Recop., Enero-Abr. 1849, 21-40, 50-76; Mayo 1849-Abr. 1850, 8-12, 26-7, 70, 105-6, 151-2, 185-90, 228, 252-3, 266-7; Ripley's War with Mex., i.-ii. passim; Santa Anna, Contest. Oficio, 1-12; Id., Comunic. Ofic., 1-11; Id., Manif., 1-12; Id., Despedido, 1-23; Id., Apel. al buen Criterio, passim; Id., Á sus Compat., 6, 18; Id., Detall, 1-48; Arroniz, Hist. y Crón., 274-306; Id., Biog. Mex., 261-4; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 876-8; Rangel, Tercera Brigada, 1-9; Derecho Intern. Mex., 1st pt, 193-258, 2d pt, 167-9; Rayon, Asedio y Def., 3-268; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 279-95, ap. 3-6; U. S. Govt Doc., Cong. 30, Ses. 1, Sen. 52; Sen. Repts, passim; H. Ex. 1, 40, 56, 59, 69; Id., Cong. 30, Ses. 2, H. Ex. 2; Id., Cong. 31, Ses. 1, Sen. 11; H. Ex. 24; Acts and Resol., p. 124; Id., Cong. 32, Ses. 1, Sen. 51; Sen. Rept, 28; H. Jour., 93; Id., Cong. 34, Ses. 1, Sen. 96, 103; Sen. Rept, 32; Id., Cong. 35, Ses. 1, Sen. Jour., 555; Id., Cong. 41, Ses. 2, Sen. Misc. 74; Id., Mess. and Doc., 1847-8, ii. 949-52, 1303-10, аp. 1-236, index, 234-6; Мéх., Меm. Hасᵈᵃ, 1870, 283, 297-9, 1044-7; Id., Mem. Relac., 1848, 35-8; 1849, 1-47; Id., Mem. Just., 1852, 6-7; Id., Mem. Guerra y Mar., 1849, 8-12; Id., Album Fotog., ii. 13; Id., Bienes Iglesia Guadal., 1847, 1-38; Id., Breve Impugn., 1-20; Id., Contest., 1-36; Id., Código Fund., 1-92; Id., Contrato Armam., 1-37; Id., Dictám., 1-37; Id., Al Pueblo Mex., 1-36; Id., Decr. de 16 de Dic., 1-7; Id., Decr. Minist. Guerra, 1-13; Id., Espos. por los que firmaron, 1-27; Id., Manif. Sup. Trib. Guerra, 34-8; Id., Reglam. Corso, 1-23; Id., Tratado de Paz, 1-53; Id., Tratado Guad. Hidalgo, 1-28; Id., Proyecto Ley, 1-121, 3 shts; México en 1840 y 1847, 1-40; Estado Mayor Gral. Ejér., 1-8; Est. Un. del Norte, Las Noticias, 1-12; Estrada, Defensa, 1-32; Pacheco, Expos. del ex-Ministro Relac., 1-29; Dunbar's Romance Age, 40; Miscel. Instr. y Am., i. 180-98, ii. 269-82; Colima, Impugn., 12; Rodenbough's 2ⁿᵈ Dragoons, 135-7; Heller, Reisen in Mex., 285-7; America, Pict. Hist. of, pt ii. 68-100, pt iii. 5-8, 43-50; Webster's Speeches; Otero, Comunic. sobre Negoc. Diplom., 1-12; Diario Exact. Mex., MS., 1-68; Bolet. de Notic., Apr. 8, 11, 1847; Azpiros, Código Extranj., 150-83; Observac. Parecer Fiscal, 1-21; Ahrens, Mex. und Mex. Zustände, 72-81; Carleton's Battle of Buena Vista, app. 215-32; Perez, Dicc. Geog., i. 106-10, 493-7, ii. 12-28, 442-88, 684-701; Rouhaud, Régionz Nouv., 28; Oswald, Californien, 133; Hernandez, Estad. Mej., 234-5; Furber's Volunteer, 329-32, 455-6, 487-91, 517-640; Henley's Speech Mex. War, 1-8; Wise's Los Gringos, 253-61, 277-8; Mex. War, Compl. Hist. of, 68-103, 120-8; Mex., Treaty bet. U. S. etc., in Mex. Pamphlets, iv. 1-384; Murray's Pict. Hist. U. S., 478-90; Mex., Official List Officers, etc.; Mex. Scraps, ii. 265 et seq.; Mex., U. S. Army in Mex., MS., 1-4; Id., Hist. Raising Flag; Mexican War, by an English Soldier, 137-214, 234-88; Mexican War and its Heroes, passim; Gregory's Hist. Mex., 48, 78-80; Hansard's Parl. Rec., lxxxix. 606, xciii. 381; Lane's Autobiog., MS., passim; Thorpe's Army of Rio Grᵈᵉ, 184-7; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 49, v. 157-9, vi. 314-15, viii. 559-70, ix. 35-44, 134-9, 854-9, х. 106-13, 450, 790-7, 961-1030, ар. і. 210-13, 248-60, 427-9; Cutts' Cong. Cal. and New Мех., 10-11, 29-67, 165-94; Вaqueiro, Ensaуо Yuc., ii. passim, iii. 456-70, ap. 98-101; Brocklehurst's Mex., 77-8; Tributo á la Verdad, 1-143; El Razonador, May-June, Oct.-Dec. 1847, Jan.-Mch 1848, passim; Amer. Alm., 1849, 193-7; Cuba, Battles of, 49-53, 68-103; Ober, Mex., 41-2, 467; Taylor's Broad Pennant, 287-330, 372-97; Livermore's War Mex., 82-102, 122-56, 168-87, 204-27; Sherman's Mem., i. 83; Marquez de Leon, Mem. Póst., MS., 8-13, 41-5, 48-9, 245; Taylor's Biog.; Taylor and his Staff, 81-90, 113-25, 167-94, 206-74; Taylor and his Gen., 298-318; Dem. Review, хxiv. 152-4, ххvi. 244-51, 340-7, 417-25, 540-7, ххх. 193-202, 244-50; Donavan's Advent., 1-127; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 75; Miscel. ó sea Colec., nos 65-70, 76-8; Romero, Notic. Mich., 241; Farnham's Mex., 62-6; Farragut, Life of, 156-64; El Economista, July 1847, passim; El Universal, July 30, Aug. 10, 15, 19, etc., 1849, Jan.-Dec. 1850, May 5, 16, June 24, etc., 1853; Berendt, in Smithsonian Rept, 1867, 422; California Star, Jan. 16, 30, Mch. 20, May 8, 15, 29, June 26, Aug. 14, Oct. 23, Nov. 6, 20, 1847, Jan. 1, Feb. 5, 12, 1848, etc.; S. Fr. Californian, Apl. 5, Sept. 2, etc., 1848; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 43-7, 94, 155-78; Alm. Calend., 1849, iii. 71; Alm. Calend. Galvan., 1847, 54-61; S. Fr. Alta, Sept. 13, 1851, Apr. 14, 1852, Nov. 17, 1857; Album Mex., i. 238-9, 307; Carpenter's Travels in Mex., 55-93; El Sonorense, Jan. 1847-Sept. 1848, passim; Pinart Coll.; Noticioso Aguasc., May 26, 1847; El Republ. Jalisc.; July 20, 1848; El Eco del Comercio, June 28, 1848; Federalista, Jan. 30, 1848; Defensor de Tam., July 23, 1847; Thompson's Recoll. Mex., 58-60; Lippard's Legends Mex.; Liceaga, Adic. y Rectific., 326-54; Dix' Speeches, i. 198-246, 262-308; Hamersley's Record, passim; Fossey, Mex., 182-4, 527-9; Morelet, Voy. Amér. Cent., i. 130-211; Mex. et l'Espagne, Mem., 246-8; Mex. et l'Europe, 1-16; Robertson's Reminisc. Camp. in Mex., 217-33, 241-50; Dallas' Letter, 3-29; El Tiempo, Jan. 25, Feb. 11, Apl. 22, etc., 1846; Rockwell's Span. and Mex. Law, 492-506; Tabasco, Manif. del Gobʳ, 1-20; Scott, Life of, 20-31; Scott's Memoirs, passim; Grant, Life and Campaigns of, 29-32; Dayton's Speech on War Mex.; Pueblo Mex., 1-35; Otero, Réplica á la Defensa, 1-46; Diaz Gonzalez, Discurso, 1-8; Grone, Nord-Amer. und Mex., 31-107; Gutierrez, Contest. al Libelo, 23-32; Id., Leyes Reforma, 36-7; Williard's Last Leaves, 90-105; Tribune Alm., 1847, 39; Archivo Mex., Col. Leyes, i. 516; Id., Actas, ii. 374-89; Album Mex., i. 185–9; El Correo Nac., 1847-8, passim; Mayer's Mex. Azt., i. 350-430, ii. 16, 144-6, 309; Ceballos, Vind. de Méx., 85-91; Confes. y Testam. de 1847, 1-10; Relacion de las Causas, 1-36; Peyster's Kearny, 138-53; Polynesian, iv. 130; Campos, Relacion de su Viaje, 1-40; Jay, Revista de las Causas, 1-114; Jay's Rev. Mex. War, 201-22, 256-71; Gamboa, Impugn., 29-61; Camp. in Mex., 296-336; Jimenez, Apología, 1-8; Iglesia Guadal., Prestámos, 1-80; Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., passim; Battles of Mexico, 17-128; McClellan's Republicanism in Am., 108-9; Id., Golden State, 110-11; Benton's Debates in Cong., xvi. 625; Ministerio de Justicia, 1-16; Dur., Doc. Hist., MS., 62-80; Rápida Ojeada Camp. Coah., 9-10; Rejon, Observ., 29-61; McSherry's El Puchero, 20-136, 179, 191-5, 201-47; Id., Essays and Lect., 64-77; Navarrete, Arenga Pronunc., 2 l.; Peña y Peña, Mensage, 1-10; Id., Manif., 1-8; Id., Col. Doc., 1-79; Centro-Amér., Necesidad urgente, 3-15; Id., Pamphlets, vi. no. 3; Id., Extractos Sueltos; Squier MSS., xxii. 101; El Pensamiento Nac., Mch 8, 1856; Reflex. sobre la Ley irredimibles los Capit., 1-28; McCall's Letters from Frontiers, 475-85; Yuc., Discurso, 1; Id., Expos. Gob. Créditos, 91-4, 97-102; Consider. sobre Sit. Polít., 1-56; Contestac. habidas, 1-36; Nouv. Annales Voy., cxiv. 112-22, cxviii. 378-81, cxxv. 71-4; M. S. Beach, in Scribner's Monthly, Dec. 1878; Smith's Address to Galveston, 5-14; Id., Chile con Carne; Worth, Charges against; Poussin's The U. S., 294-5; Rednitz, Getreuester etc., 39-68; Vander Linden, Relacion; Jenkins' Mex. War, passim; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 148-96; Prentiss, Memoir of, ii. 421-9, 446-51; Martin, Précis, 101-8; La Nacion, Aug. 23, 28, 1856; El Nacional, June 17, 1853; Huasteca, Notic. Estad., 149-51; Expos. ó Prog.; Peterson's Milit. Heroes, ii. passim; Fry's Life of Taylor, 13-332; El Heraldo, Oct. 10, 16, 18, 20, Nov. 20, 1848; Diario Avisos, May 8, 1857, Feb. 17, Mch 22, 1860; Free American, Nov. 1847-Mch 1848, passim; Disposic. Varias, iii. 49, 50, 52, v. 55-63, 65; Tam., 1847, Military Abuses; Id., 1847, State Govt vs Urrea; Lerdo, Espos., 1-78; Hughes' Doniphan's Exped., 9-11; Iris Españ., Apl-July 1847, passim; Domenech, Hist. du Mex., ii. 214-30; Id., L'Empire Mex., 22; Robinson's Mex. and her Milit. Chieftains, 263-5; Richthofen, Rep. Mex., 489-93; Repub. of U. S., 281-301; Gilpin's Mission N. Am. People, 125-34; Variedades Jurisp., iii. 545-60; Hunt's Merch. Mag., xvi. 455-8, 497-504, xvii. 95, 313-15, 438; Losada, Cuest. Mex., 47; Howitt's Hist. U. S., ii. 347-52; Putnam's Mag., i. 408-16; Müller, Reisen in Mex., i. 108-9; Mass. Anti-slavery Soc., 16th Annual Rept; Mason's Pict. Life in Mex., i. 275-88; Ferry, Descript. Nouv. Calif., 25-34; Dubois, Le Mexique, 119; Herrera, Contest., 1-36; La Cruz, ii. 49-52, iii. 125-6; Jal., Mem., 1847, 7-8, 31-54; Southern Quart. Rev. (N. S.), v. 121-53, 373-426, vi. 78-116, vii. 1-52; Lossing's Pict. Hist. U. S., 489-96; Nic., Gac. Gob. Sup., Nov. 4, 1848; Memor. Hist., Feb. 9, 19, 1816; Harrison's Battle-fields, 358-434; Semmes' Service Afloat, passim; Gallatin's Peace with Mex., 3-7; Id., War Expenses, 1-22; Hillard's Life McClellan, 13-35; Frisch, Staaten von Mex., 36; Patton's Hist. U. S., 746-67; Sun of Anahuac, July-Sept. 1847, passim; Encarnacion Prisoners, 56-96; Diario Ofic., June 16, 1880; Papeles Varios, xxvi. pt 9, xli. pt 19, xlii. pt 9¾, lii. pt 12, liv. pt 1, lv. pt 5, lxxxvi. pt 9, lxxxvii. pts 5, 12, 14, lxxxviii. pts 1, 3, xcix. pts 3, 7-11, 13-15, 16½-22, cvii. pts 3, 5, 8-11, cxiii. pt 11, clxxii. pt 8, clxxiv. pt 14, clxxxv. pts 4-6, 11, cxcii. pt 5, cxcvi. pt 2, cxcviii. pt 5, ccii. pt 4; Suarez y Navarro, Informe, 1-12; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., iii. 510, iv. 397, xii.-xiii. passim; El Siglo XIX., 1848-9, passim; El Regenerador Repub., Puebla, Sept. 1846-Apl 1847, passim; El Correo Nacional, Oct. 1847-Aug. 1848, passim; Niles' Reg., lxx.-lxxiv. passim, lxxv. 20-1, 75, 205, 273-9, 319; El Arco Iris, July 1847-Apl. 1848, passim; Soc. Mex. Geog. Bolet., ii. 172, iii. 336, iv. 244, v. 369-73, vii. 293, xi. 194-5; Gen. of Lib., Sept.-Nov. 1847, passim; Amer. Quart. Rev., i. 522-601, iv. 208-9, v. 349-58, vi. 221-30; Young's Hist. Mex., passim; Barbachano, Discurso, 1-27; Mansfield's Mex. War, 116-18, 163-228, 247-365; Id., Life Gen. Scott, 380-464, 475-92, 515-19.