History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 25

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER XXV.

 

OVERTHROW OF DICTATORIAL RULE.

 

1854-1855.

Santa Anna's Despotism and its Consequences — Plan of Ayutla — Juan Álvarez and Ignacio Comonfort — Santa Anna's Campaign in Guerrero — Disturbed Condition of Mexico — Sale of National Territory — A Farcical Plebiscit — Santa Anna Confirmed in Power — His Attempt at a Change of Policy — Conservative Opposition — End of Santa Anna's Public Career — Counter-revolution in Mexico — President Carrera — His Conciliatory Efforts — Reactionary Intrigues Liberal Triumph — Álvarez Chosen Provisional President.

The political situation at the opening of 1854 was insufferable. War had become chronic. Half a century of internal dissension, with occasional foreign invasions, was not enough, it seems; for now it is renewed, or rather continued, the little misunderstanding with the United States not being allowed long to interfere with time-honored customs and current throat-cuttings. Puffed with vanity and blinded by flattery,^[1] Santa Anna had come to regard himself a god; he fancied he could regulate thought with bayonets. He had inklings of an intended movement against him in Guerrero, to guard against which he sent Colonel Rafael Espinosa as military commandant to Acapulco. This department, for the liberal ideas of its authorities, its past record, position, rough mountainous ground, and unhealthy climate, was one that he feared. Its most influential citizen, General Juan Álvarez, had been at first among Santa Anna's powerful supporters, but soon became disgusted with the dictatorial régime. To meet a possible emergency, and to keep the authorities in check, the government, with the pretext that an expedition was fitting out in California, under Count Raousset de Boulbon, to invade Mexico, arid might land at Acapulco, though Gen eral Alvarez had written that no reënforcements were

Campaign against Álvarez

needed, despatched a considerable number of troops to Guerrero, directing at the same time the naval commandant at Acapulco to have an armed vessel in readiness to blockade the port. No plan had as yet been formed by the discontented surenõs, and, indeed, no thought given as to where the means were to come from. A revolution was impending, however. On the 20th of February news reached the capital that Álvarez had raised the standard of revolt in the south. The government then decreed severe measures against the rebels and all aiding them.^[2] Colonel Florencio Villareal, the commandant of Costa Chica, strongly suspected of disaffection, had been summoned to Mexico in October, but a convenient illness had kept him away. At last, orders were transmitted to bring him, dead or alive, to Ocatepec. But the suspected chiefs had been wary, and kept themselves out of Santa Anna's clutches. General Tomás Moreno left Chilpancingo February 24th for the coast, and Espinosa with his forces stopped his march at Buenavista on hearing that the enemy was on the Peregrino height for the purpose of checking his advance. An unequal struggle was thus begun between the sureños and the government. The latter made extensive preparations to crush the rebellion. In the mean time, on the 1st of March, Villareal, with the force of 300 or 400 pintos under his command, proclaimed in the town of Ayutla, district of Ometepec and department of Guerrero, a political plan,^[3] which was ratified on the 11th, with a few amendments at Acapulco, by the officers and troops stationed there, and by Colonel Ignacio Comonfort, who was at once recognized as commandant of the fortress and of the military district.^[4]

The position of commander-in-chief of the 'ejército restaurador de la libertad' was given to Álvarez, and that of second in command to Moreno. The former had correspondence with the discontented at the national capital, and with the exiles Juarez and others, residing in New Orleans.

This revolution, being favored by public opinion, was sure of victory, though it had to meet at first, with only a few ill-provided men, the numerous hosts at the dictator's command,^[5] backed by the influential classes, including the clergy, who supported him with their might to secure the restoration of their own power.

The action at Ayutla had a magical effect. It was hailed by the masses with marks of approbation. The government pretended to despise, as insignificant, this movement, started in that distant and thinly settled region of the country; but it soon found itself impotent to withstand it.^[6] Álvarez was said to be intrenched in the hacienda of Providencia. Troops went from Oajaca to occupy Jamiltepec, and others from Mexico to strengthen the force marching on Acapulco under the orders of General Perez Palacios. The dictator's attention was by this time divided, the revolt having in March broken out in several parts of Michoacan,^[7] by the invasions of Sonora by Raousset, and of Lower California by William Walker,^[8] as well as by the incursions of savage Indians.^[9]

Santa Anna concluded to assume in person command of the troops in the field, and started from Mexico on the 16th of March, accompanied by the secretary of war, Santiago Blanco, and preceded by the cazadores de los supremos poderes, leaving in charge of the minister of relations a sealed document, in which was designated his successor should he die during the campaign. The other ministers remained at the capital, transacting the ordinary affairs of government, and daily reported by special courier to the dictator. The minister of war in a circular apprised the country that his most serene highness would be absent one month, the object of his journey being to learn by a personal inspection the true state of affairs in Guerrero. Santa Anna was everywhere the object of foreordered ovations, and in some parts the abject rabble pulled his carriage. But so great was becoming the desertion among his troops that a specially severe order was issued by Minister Blanco at the hacienda San Gabriel against deserters.^[10] The liberals abandoned Los Cajones on his approach. He captured Fort Coquillo, the garrison having escaped, This victory was made much of by his flatterers.^[11] Álvarez abandoned his position at Peregrino, his plan being to dally with the enemy and let the deadly climate defeat them.

The revolution was certainly spreading, and though the government applied its resources to the best advantage, destroying considerable bodies of rebels, and shooting a number of prominent leaders, among them Gordiano Guzman at Cutzamala, the conflagration spread from Zacatula to Tusantla, and from Tacámbaro to Tecpan. In Rio Verde, a captain broke out in open rebellion in April.

Santa Anna ordered the confiscation of property belonging to revolutionists, the burning of hostile towns, and the execution of their chiefs and others taken in arms. These orders were generally carried out, Santa Anna's severity being great toward those showing lukewarmness. One day the dictator's rear guard was cut off from the rest of the forces, and he found himself without communication even by means of foot-messengers. This gave rise to all sorts of rumors. His highness had been not only defeated, but also seriously wounded; while the Diario Oficial announced triumph after triumph of the dictator's forces, and disgraceful defeats of the revolutionary troops, foretelling that the defence at Acapulco, which it called the last bulwark of wickedness, would be a feeble one.^[12] Finally, after overcoming many obstacles, the dictator and his army appeared before Acapulco on the 20th of April, with about 7,000 men, and called upon the commandant, Comonfort, to surrender the fortress, to which a flat refusal was returned, even though the request was accompanied, it is said, with pecuniary considerations. After a fruitless effort to take the fort, Santa Anna beat a retreat. This was a difficult operation, the liberals having reënforced the Peregrino hill, on the line of his march. His rear was constantly harassed by Moreno, into whose hands fell the sick and wounded. The battle of Peregrino was a notable one, and though Santa Anna escaped utter destruction, his loss of men and supplies was quite large. The remnants of his force had to make their way through burnt fields, annoyed from all sides, till completely battered and exhausted they reached Chilpancingo early in May. After placing detachments in various towns, Santa Anna returned to Mexico. When the news reached the capital that he had been neither slain nor taken prisoner, his partisans were greatly rejoiced, and gave him an ovation on his arrival.^[13] Their rejoicing was greatly increased by the ratification in Washington of the Gadsden treaty.

 

A treaty for the cession of territory to the United States, known in Mexico as the sale of the Mesilla valley, and including the territory of Arizona, and for the grant to the American government of certain transit privileges, was concluded on the 30th of December, 1853, the negotiators being, on the part of Mexico, Manuel Diez de Bonilla, José Salazar Ilarregui, and Mariano Monterde; and on the part of the United States, James Gadsden, the American minister, accredited near the Mexican government.^[14] The Mexican government ratified the treaty on the 31st of May, 1854; the American on the 29th of June of the same year. It was published by the former power on the 20th of July, 1854.

The funds proceeding from the sale of territory were of great help to the government in its present emergency, and no time was lost to lay hands on the money by special negotiation involving loss. There was now no limit to the despotism of the government and its tools in the departments. An order of banishment was never revoked.^[15] The poor were the victims of conscription and general ill treatment; property was not safe from confiscation; justice was only for the despot's favorites.

The spread of the revolution after Santa Anna's escape from Guerrero was now rapid.^[16] Engaged in it were not only Álvarez, Comonfort, and Moreno, but Santos Degollado and Vidaurri. An official recognition that revolution existed in many parts, and was likely to break out in others, was at last made on the 5th of June, and departments, districts, cities, and towns seceding from their allegiance would be ipso facto placed under martial law without further declaration.^[17]

Santa Anna changed his residence to Tacubaya on the 26th of September. He could now see that the situation was no longer tenable, and desired the conservatives to somewhat modify their policy, which would involve a change of cabinet. The governors of departments were asked for a marked change. The dictator, however, in a circular of October 17th, denied having contemplated a change of ministers,^[18] of whose honesty, loyalty, and activity he was well satisfied. Another circular of the 20th, said to have been issued by the advice of the government council, embodied the plan of ascertaining on the 1st of December, for the fourth time, the national will, so as to positively know if the president was to continue in power or surrender it.^[19] In order to give a coloring of reality to this farce, it was announced that the result in each town would be published. It was, of course, clear to every one's mind that the majority of voters, from fear, would not take advantage of this apparent privilege, and that only the government's supporters, or persons dreading molestation, would express a desire for Santa Anna's continuance in power.^[20] Books were opened at each voting-place, and each voter had to express his wish in writing over his signature. The books on which the negative votes were to be inscribed remained almost blank. The result showed upwards of 400,000 ayes, and very few nays, which the government hailed with joy, and the rabble licked the hand that put the collar on their necks.^[21] The dictator in a manifesto thanked the people, expressing indifference for power, assuring the nation that the sale of territory was made to avert a war with the United States, and reproached the liberals for the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo.

Meanwhile the revolution was making giant strides, which Santa Anna hoped to check with offers of pardon, on paper — pure humbug and trickery^[22] — executions, imprisonments, and expulsions continuing as usual.^[23] The country was now desolated by war and the cholera; robberies on the high-roads were common; the frontiers were raided by savage Indians. The government was hard pressed for money, the millions received from the United States having disappeared in a few months. Comonfort now returned from abroad to Acapulco with a large supply of war material, which not only saved the revolution from a possible collapse, but enabled its chiefs to push operations to a successful issue.^[24]

Santa Anna's stringent measures had no effect. He then issued an address to the people renewing his promises made at Vera Cruz of being a ruler and not a party man; and went so far as to decree a general pardon;^[25] but apparent leniency was now looked on as an evidence of fear. He went south as far as Iguala; but as Michoacan had been made by Comonfort the centre of military operations, he changed his headquarters to Morelia, where he was received with the honors of triumph.^[26] He took Zamora, the insurgents continuing their tactics of not confronting the government forces. He returned to Morelia, and after a while to Mexico, without having obtained any advantage. The revolution was fast gaining ground. Santa Anna now stationed troops between Mexico and Vera Cruz. When his general, Güitian, was routed in San Luis Potosí, and other expeditions met with disaster, the dictator saw the necessity of a complete change of policy if he would not again leave the country. He summoned the council, and proposed the framing of a constitution, and even tendered his resignation, which was not accepted.^[27] At last he became convinced that with an empty treasury nothing could be accomplished, and resolved to quit Mexico, still pretending that he could sustain himself,^[28] and with a show of calmness inaugurated the work of railroad construction. But as the revolution made great progress in the east, fear seized him that his exit might be cut off; and pretending that his presence was greatly needed in Vera Cruz, he deceived his own supporters.^[29] Early on the 9th of August he started for Vera Cruz, leaving authority with the ministers to transact ordinary business.^[30] That same morning was published his decree of the previous day to enforce one issued by him March 16, 1854, and kept under seal, appointing his successor. The successor thus appointed was a triumvirate, consisting of the president of the supreme court and generals Mariano Salas and Martin Carrera,^[31] who, once installed, were to summon a congress to form a constitution.

General Diaz de la Vega remained in command of the capital. Upon Santa Anna's departure becoming generally known, there was much manifest uneasiness. The silence of the official press confirmed the dangers of the situation; and though Santa Anna's most intimate friends denied that he intended leaving the country, their assertion was not believed after the appointment of his successor was made public. The situation was indeed critical; and as late as August 12th nothing could be done to pacify the people, the despot being still in the republic. On that date he reached Perote and published a manifesto, extolling himself, and accusing others of things which might have been averted if he had been a faithful public He wrote to the commander in Mexico to servant.^[32] install the triumvirate at once, but was answered the next day that the capital had already adopted the plan of Ayutla. This plan had circulated, and been received with marks of approval by the people and troops. Generals Carrera and Diaz de la Vega had to second it in order to avert greater evils. On the 13th of August the garrison and ayuntamiento proclaimed the plan,^[33] and the populace, led by men who afterward figured in congress, committed many outrages.^[34]

Santa Anna, on receiving the news of the change in Mexico, embarked the 16th and 17th, with his family, on the war steamer Iturbide, bound to Habana, whence he went to Cartagena in the United States of Columbia. He never again figured prominently in public life.^[35] His death was on the 21st of June, 1876, in the city of Mexico, and few prominent persons accompanied his remains to the grave. A pension asked for his widow was refused by congress. An attempt was made in the following year to have the national congress pass an act declaring that Santa Anna died in possession of all the honors and decorations conferred on him by the nation. I cannot find, however, that any final action was taken.

 

The first of the articles adopted by the public meeting that proclaimed the plan of Ayutla, and General Rómulo Diaz de la Vega as the commander-in-chief of the forces at the capital, authorized him to choose a board, or junta, of two representatives for each department, and the federal district, which he did, appointing a body of 52 members, on whom devolved the duty of electing, under the second and third articles, at a single sitting and by absolute majority, a president ad interim of the republic, and of serving afterward as his council of state during his short provisional rule. It was thus unexpectedly to assume the most prominent place in the revolution. The junta assembled in the hall of deputies, and proceeded at once to choose its officers, namely, Mariano Riva Palacio, president; Miguel Buenrostro and Ignacio Peña y Barragan, secretaries. Thus constituted, the members voted for the president ad interim, electing Martin Carrera by 26 votes, against 16 for Diaz de la Vega, four for Riva Palacio, and two for Comonfort.^[36]

The president elect was a well-meaning man, but being under control of the military element, could obtain no general recognition, nor even leave a footmark of his short rule. He did, it is true, adopt measures in accord with the spirit of the revolution,^[37]but his authority did not politically extend outside of the gates of Mexico.

 

Martin Carrera, besides holding a high rank in the Mexican army with an honorable record,^[38] had filled several civil offices; he served as a member of the national legislative junta of 1842, which framed the bases for the political reorganization of the country; also as a senator in the general congress, being reëlected the following year; a councillor of state in 1846, he soon after held the highly responsible position of adviser of the war department.

Carrera was well aware of the difficulties he would have to encounter, and tried to resign the powers thus placed in his hands, but was prevailed on to accept them as a duty he owed his country to save her from the anarchists. Each wing of the conservative party was working for its own aims.

Carrera issued a proclamation offering to organize the national guard, reform the army,^[39] regulate the treasury, and respect personal rights, which offers could not satisfy the leaders of the revolution. The several departments of government were in charge of the oficiales mayores, or chief clerks, men who had been dumb in the presence of despotism, and now, in order not to lose their pay, had consented to wear the cap of liberty.

Another complication in Carrera's way was the pronunciamiento at San Luis Potosí of Güitlan's brigade under the direction of Antonio Haro y Tamariz, on the 13th of August, just previous to the news reaching that place of Santa Anna's desertion of his post. That movement had in view the deposal of the dictator, and the summoning of a congress to represent the national sovereignty, solemnly pledging protection and respect of property, the clergy, the army, and of all classes of society. Copies of this plan were forwarded to the chiefs of the revolution of Ayutla, inviting them to aid the effort to restore peace and consolidate a government. Haro y Tamariz, as the head of the plan, abolished the conscription and capitation tax, establishing also freedom of the press.^[40] His movement was distinct from that of the capital, not the usurpation of a few military officers, but the act of a prominent citizen who, for his open hostility to the late dictatorship, had been proscribed, and as he proclaimed it before the events of the capital became known to him, he could not be looked upon as an intruder at the eleventh hour. This fact made of him an element to be feared equally by the two chief contending parties; particularly as aimed at gaining the good-will of both the people and the ruling class. Thus we see that since Santa Anna's disappearance from the political field, the leaders of Ayutla and Acapulco had to contend against two dangerous elements, inasmuch as they both manifested a purpose to forward the aspirations and interests of the masses, proclaiming liberty, and yet endeavoring to uphold the principles and abuses that the southern revolution had been fighting to extirpate. They attempted a compromise, and even to support the clergy and the army, against whom the revolutionary element bore a deadly hatred.

Meanwhile Comonfort was marching on Guadalajara. Many departments accepted the plan of Ayutla; but the efforts of the liberals for a general recognition of it met opposition on the part of the troops. The latter provisionally accepted at Vera Cruz^[41] Carrera's government, coupled with the condition of its being recognized by all the other departments.

Carrera endeavored to avert anarchy by means of strict impartiality toward all the elements of the body politic, but neither the respect felt for him personally, nor his meritorious services, could make the masses of the people forget the illegitimate source of his authority.

The wording of the fourth article of the plan of Ayutla having enabled its enemies to divert the revolution from its real aims and to make themselves masters of the situation, the people resolved to estop them, and thus prevent a reaction. The liberal press demanded the exclusion of all conservatives from participation in public affairs. It nust be acknowledged, however, that Carrera's government came to be looked upon favorably in several important departments.^[42] But for a liberal movement that took place in San Luis Potosí, and several pronunciamientos elsewhere, Álvarez and Comonfort would have had before them a long and more difficult task to plant their victorious banner in the city of Mexico.^[43] Carrera, finding himself ignored by the leaders of the original revolution, set aside all points of etiquette, and without acting through the medium of a minister, invited all of them to hold a convention at the historic town of Dolores Hidalgo on the 16th of September, promising to send commissioners to meet them. His invitation was disregarded.^[44]

Comonfort heard, on the 20th of August at Acatlan, on his march to Guadalajara, of the events at the capital, San Luis Potosí, and other places. He ordered the revolution to proceed on its course, and refused to recognize Carrera. On his arrival at Guadalajara, the 22d, he met with an enthusiastic reception.^[45] On the 28th he issued a circular in which public attention was called to the fact that the general-in-chief, alluded to in the plan of Ayutla, could be none other than Álvarez.

The abundant reactionary elements, namely, the large number of military officers and employés thrown out of positions, were on the other hand actively at work forming plans, several of which had appeared. The most dangerous was that of San Luis Potosí, a model of a former one on behalf of religion y fueros. The conservatives, with the aid of the discontented military element, were already organizing their forces to be ready for the coming reaction, which in their opinion was not far off. They were at the same time trying to exonerate themselves from the charge of having been the supporters of the dictatorship.

Carrera threw up the presidency at 11 o'clock on the night of September 11th, leaving the command of the district of Mexico, pursuant to the Ayutla plan, in the hands of Vega,^[46] who at once chose a council of government of seven members. The garrison made a declaration to the effect that their recognition of Carrera as president had been an act of expediency; they reiterated their acceptance of the plan of Ayutla, and promised to place themselves under the government emanating therefrom.

 

Álvarez with his army by slow marches reached Chilpancingo only on the 8th of September, while Comonfort was actively engaged in assembling at Lagos the chiefs of the different plans proclaimed, with the object of inducing them to coöperate with him. On hearing that Carrera had retired, and the capital had accepted the plan of Ayutla without restrictions, Álvarez was formally recognized in Lagos as the chief of the revolution, Haro y Tamariz and Doblado desisting from their pretensions.^[47] The plan of Ayutla, reformed at Acapulco, became the law for all, and Álvarez the representative man of the ideas embodied in the revolution. He then continued his march to Iguala, intending to tarry at Cuernavaca.

The reaccionarios now began to throw obstacles in Álvarez' way, hoping to reap advantage for themselves from the abnormal position in which the country was placed. They objected to his appointment of the representatives, demanding that the states should make it. Álvarez paid no heed to their subtle arguments, and issued at Iguala, September 24, 1855, his decree appointing one representative for each state and territory, and summoned them to assemble at Cuernavaca on the 4th of October to elect a president ad interim, and comply with the other requirements of the second article of the plan of Ayutla.^[48] The representatives assembled at Cuernavaca on the 4th of October, in convention, with Gomez Farías as their president, and Benito Juarez, F. de P. Cendejas, and Diego Álvarez as secretaries. On the same day they declared Juan Álvarez to be the president ad interim of the republic.^[49]

 

 

1. Prominent men who contributed to the preparation of a historical work, published in Mexico in 1848, in which Santa Anna s generalship and some of his political acts were reflected upon, received harsh treatment from him. All the copies the government could lay hands on were destroyed, the minister Aguilar pronouncing the work disgraceful, which it was not, and its authors 'malos mexicanos'; several of whom have since held the highest positions.
2. Feb. 13th it was ordered that merchants, whether national or foreign, sending abroad for goods to be imported at any place controlled by the rebel chiefs, were to be dealt with as conspirators. Acapulco was declared closed to foreign and coast trade, on the 2d of March. Álvarez, and all officers who joined him, were deprived of their rank. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y órd., 1854, Jan.-May, 102-3, 123, 128; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1834, Jan.-May, 146-53; Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 315-18; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 478, 480.
3. The famous Plan de Ayutla, which, after a preamble setting forth the nation's grievances against Santa Anna's despotism, has the following nine articles that were the basis for a provisional government. 1. Santa Anna and other functionaries who, like him, had forfeited the people's confidence, and all public officers opposing this plan, were to cease at once from exercising any authority. 2. After a majority of the nation had accepted the plan, the commander-in-chief of the liberal forces was to convoke one representative from each state and territory, to meet at some convenient place, and acting together were to choose a president ad interim of the republic, and continue afterward as a state council during the provisional régime. 3. The president ad interim was clothed with ample powers to protect the integrity and independence of the national territory, and to aid every branch of the public administration. 4. In states seconding this plan, the chief commander of the forces, associated with seven persons of his own choosing, to assemble, and within one month enact and promulgate a statute to serve as the provisional code of their state or territory; the foundation of each such statute being that the nation is, and forever shall be, one, indivisible, and independent. 5. Fifteen days after entering upon the discharge of his duties, the president ad interim was to convoke a constituent congress, on the basis of the law enacted for a similar purpose in 1841, to constitute the nation as a representative popular republic, and to revise the acts of the provisional executive. 6. The arıny to be preserved and cared for; foreign and domestic trade fostered; and at the earliest possible date a new tariff and regulations to be framęd and enforced. Until such time, the tariff issued in Ceballos' administration to be revived. 7.' Conscription and passport laws to be abolished. 8. Persons opposing this plan, or in any manner aiding the government or its supporters, to be looked upon and dealt with as foes to national independence. 9. Generals Nicolás Bravo, Juan Álvarez, and Tomás Moreno were invited to place themselves at the head of the liberating forces, to carry into effect the administrative reforms set forth in the plan, with power to make such modifications as they might deem conducive to the national welfare. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., i. 3-18, ii. 94-101; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1856, Jan.-June, 442; Bandera de Ayutla, June 21, 1856; Méx., Rev. contra Santa Anna, 36-166, passim.
4. A tenth article declared that if a majority of the nation wished to modify the plan, the signers pledged themselves to respect and carry out the national will. The proceeding from this time forth went under the name of Plan de Ayutla reformado en Acapulco. Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 318-22; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., 11, 101-9. It has been asserted that the displeasure of Álvarez and Comonfort with Santa Anna arose from the annulling of the acquisition by the former of a large tract of land which they had bargained to transfer to an American, by which operation they were to clear many thousands of dollars. Marquez de Leon, Mem. Póst., MS., 83-90.
5. Forty thousand men and all the resources of the government; the millious to be received from the sale of Mexican territory; and the forced absence of a large number of liberals in exile, or confined in prisons.
6. Alvarez was called the southern panther, and 'un mal mexicano puesto de acuerdo con los enemigos extranjeros.' Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 486.
7. A number of chiefs made themselves a national reputation by constantly harassing the government's troops. Among them were Faustino Villalva and his son Jesus, Epitacio Huerta, Manuel Pueblita, and others. The Villalvas with 1,300 soldiers were defeated on the Limon hill by Col Zuloaga, who for this victory was made a general. Santa Anna's officers showed no mercy to prisoners. Michoacan suffered terribly by the civil war, and by the havoc of cholera. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 486-526, passim; El Estandarte Nac., 1857, July 18; Correo de España, 1854, Nov. 29.
8. See Hist. Cal., and Hist. North Mexican States, this series.
9. The Lipans and other native nations made frequent raids for plunder, the frontier states being kept in constant fear. The inhabitants were ordered to arm and fight, and rewards were offered to such as rendered good service. Fortifications were also to be erected on the frontiers, but nothing of the kind was done. These troubles, as well as Indian insurrections in other parts of the republic, continued till the latter part of 1856. The war of races in Yucatan went on without any sign of coming to an end. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1854, Jan.-Dec., 110-12; 1856, July-Dec., 132-4; Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y órd., vi. 135-6, vii. 84-5, 151; Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., ii. 358-61; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vii. 62-3, 295; Méx., Informe Com. Pesquisidora, 1874, 122-6; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xiv. 308-12. Among the outrageous acts of Santa Anna's rule was that of permitting natives of Yucatan, who had been made prisoners or kidnapped, to be taken to Cuba as coolies; though he later modified his order and had prisoners transferred to other parts of the country. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 457, 462. 'La venta de los indigenas de Yucatan.' Villa-Amor, Biog. Gen. Santa Anna, 34.
10. At Chilpancingo, where Santa Anna visited old Gen. Bravo, was begun the publication of an official journal, whose first number said that the troops in Guerrero had pledged their support to the dictator.
11. Celebrated in Mexico with salvos, ringing of bells, and general rejoicing.
12. The real facts were that the dictator's troops, lacking resources in that country, were decimated by disease; many of his chief officers were wounded, his messengers and spies intercepted, and some of them had paid for their temerity by being made to hang from the limbs of trees. The insurgents seldom offered any resistance, but after firing at the enemy fled to the woods. Álvarez had occupied Las Cruces in Santa Anna's rear.
13. 'Haciéndosele un recibimiento ordenado por sus ministros cual se le haría á un gran conquistador.' Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 345. Santa Anna's statue was placed on an arch; a hurricane on the 26th, in disregard of his greatness, threw down the arch and dashed the statue to pieces.
14. Art. 1. Mexico conceded as the U. S. boundary the same dividing line between the two Californias as was already established by the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, the other boundaries to be as follows: Beginning in the gulf of Mexico, 3 leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, as provided in the 5th art. of that treaty; thence, as defined in that article, up the middle of that river to the point where the parallel of 31° 47' north crosses the same; thence due west 100 miles; thence south to the parallel of 31° 20'; thence along the said parallel to the 111th meridian; thence in a straight line to a point on the Colorado River, 20 Eng. miles below the junction of the Gila and Colorado rivers; thence up the middle of the Colorado until it intersects the existing line between the U. S. and Mexico. Commissioners were appointed to run the new boundary line. Clauses in the 5th art. of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo conflicting with the above were to be no longer in force. Art. 2 released the U. S. from all liability on account of the obligation contained in the 11th of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. That art. and the 33d of the treaty of Apr. 5, 1831, were abrogated. Art. 3. In consideration of the above, the U. S. agreed to pay Mexico, in New York, ten million dollars, namely, seven on the exchange of ratifications, and the remainder when the boundary line had been established. Art. 4 abrogated the 6th and 7th of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Vessels and Am. citizens were to have free and uninterrupted passage through the gulf of Cal., to and from their possessions north of the boundary line; the passage to be by navigating the gulf and the Colorado River, and not by land without Mexico's express consent. Art. 5. All provisions of the 8th, 9th, 16th, and 17th articles of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo were to have application to the territory now ceded. Art. 6. Grants of land by the Mexican government within the territory now ceded, after Sept. 25, 1853, were to have no value unless located and duly recorded in the city of Mexico. Art. 7 reaffirmed the 21st and 22d articles of the treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo. Art. 8. The Mexican government having authorized, on Feb. 5, 1853, the construction of a plank road and railroad across the isthmus of Tehuantepec, the U. S. and their citizens were to enjoy all the privileges of transit for themselves and their merchandise, as the most favored nation; also the privilege of passing the mails in closed bags. Prompt arrangements to be made to enable the U. S. to pass through the isthmus troops and munitions which the latter might have occasion to send from one part of their territory to another; the Am. government agreeing to protect the work of the railroad as far as it might feel it to be sanctioned and warranted by the public or international law. Art. 9 stipulated that the ratification of this treaty be exchanged at the earliest possible day, within six months of the date of its being signed. Derecho Intern. Mex., 1st pt, 258-67. U. S. Govt Doc., H. Ex. Doc. 109, vol. xiii., 33d Cong., 1st Ses.; Cong. Globe, 1853-4, 2234, 2258; U. S. House Jour., 1082, 33d Cong., 1st Ses.; U. S. Senate Jour., 920-1, 33d Cong., 1st Sess.; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xv. 951-61; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 402-3, 438-9; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 435, 441, 460-1.
15. The cause for its being issued, or the accusers often, could not be learned: 'la respuesta sacramental era que lo mandaba Su Alteza.' Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 461-2.
16. It was no longer confined to Guerrero and Michoacan. San Luis Potosí was threatened, and the Sierra Gorda teemed with rebels, all pursuing the plan of offering no resistance, but harassing the enemy and cutting off his supplies.
17. No person was allowed transit through such places, unless provided with a passport; without it, any person was amenable to detention; and if suspicion rested on him or her, the application of the law against conspirators would follow. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1854, June-Dec., 5-6; Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1854, May-Dec., vii. 12-13.
18. The ministers he then had, and who continued to the end of his rule, were: M. Diez de Bonilla, of relations; M. M. Canseco, of the treasury; Teodosio Lares, of justice; Santiago Blanco, of war, till July 30th; Joaquin Velazquez de Leon, of fomento. Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1051.
19. Laying stress on the plea that he held an unlimited power by popular suffrage, he alludes to the revolutionary spirit lately manifested in Guerrero, Michoacan, Tamaulipas, and elsewhere, and directs that, on the 1st of Dec., 1854, the governor and other local authorities take the popular vote on the following points, namely: 1st, Whether the president is to continue in office with his ample powers; 2d, If not, to whom must he surrender the executive authority. The vote was to be sent to the president of the council in sealed packages, and kept by him unopened till Feb. 1, 1855, when the full council was to count the votes and publish the result. The decree also authorized citizens and the press to freely express their opinions on the subject. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1854, May-Dec., vii. 187-9, 194-5, 201-4.
20. Minister Aguilar beforehand directed the governors to see that the result should be 'el debido.' Baz, Vida de Juarez, 86; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 464.
21. The vote was published Feb, 2, 1855. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1855, Jan.-Aug., viii. 58; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1855, 62-3; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Мех., vii. 325-30, 399.
22. Decree of Feb. 12, 1855. However, it excepted five classes, among them the head men of the rebellion, and those who had thanked an Am. senator for a speech that Santa Anna pronounced 'injurioso al honor y decoro del gobierno nacional.' Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1855, 247-8.
23. Basadre, Traconis, and Manuel Baranda were expelled from the country.
24. They were checked for a time by Santos Degollado's defeat at Guadalajara.
25. Apr. 2, 1855; its words were, 'se conceda este á todo el que lo solicite.' Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1855, viii. 189.
26. It is said that the cry, Viva Antonio Primero!' was repeatedly heard. them
27. The plan of a constituent congress to make a fundamental code received no favor. Preference seemed to be for an organic statute, which was adopted, together with Bernardo Couto's motion to make no compromise with the revolutionists.
28. Shortly before this, he received from the king of Prussia the decoration of a Knight of the Red Eagle. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 540; Correo de Esp., 1855, June 20.
29. Minister Lares, on the 2d of Aug., when Santa Anna's family was departing for Vera Cruz, denied in a circular that his highness intended to abandon the republic.
30. Méx., Col. Ley., Dec. y Órd., 1855, Jan.-Aug., viii. 332.
31. It was also provided that, in the event of the death of either of those generals, the vacancy should be filled by generals Rómulo Diaz de la Vega and Ignacio Mora y Villamil, in the order they were named. Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1855, 401-2; Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 322; Dublan and Lozano, vii. 553.
32. Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 346, speaking of crimes committed during and after that revolution, charges them all to Santa Anna: 'él y solo él es responsable.'
33. Seven articles were adopted. It was a kind of compromise the conservatives attempted to offer the liberals, but which was not accepted.
34. The houses of several conservatives were sacked, especially that of the minister Diez de Bonilla.
35. He resided in his exile at various places, most of the time at the island of Saint Thomas. His party died out, and in a little while also the memory of a man who, but for his inordinate pride and ambition, might have done his country great service in the brilliant positions he occupied, and won for himself the first place in the hearts of his countrymen. After some years he wished to return to public life, and made his appearance at Vera Cruz toward the end of February 1864, that port being then under the control of the imperial regency, presided over by General Almonte. He was required to execute a deed recognizing the foreign intervention and the empire, and to solemnly bind himself to publish no manifesto except it showed that he had come back only as a private citizen. He signed the obligation on board the steamship Conway, and landed with his family; but the next day sent to Mexico and allowed to be published in Orizaba a document in which, though recognizing the empire, he endeavored to cause trouble; for which the French made him go on board the Colbert and leave the country. He returned to Saint Thomas, and on the near approach of the empire's collapse visited the U. S., and suggested to Mr Seward, secretary of state, the organization of an army for completing the overthrow of the throne; he also tendered his services to President Juarez, which were, as a matter of course, not accepted; for as a soldier he had been faithless to his superiors, and as a ruler had never been of firm principles, but a political weather-cock and an unmitigated tyrant, with self-aggrandizement as his chief aim. His estates were seized by the liberal party in 1855, Gov. La Llave of Vera Cruz being the first to issue a decree to that effect. Afterward President Zuloaga ordered them restored, and this was carried out by his successor Miramon. Santa Anna's military rank was also restored to him. In Chihuahua he was on the 6th of July, 1866, proclaimed a traitor of the worst type for his acceptance of the empire, and his property was confiscated. He made an attempt in 1867 to enter Mexico, coming to Vera Cruz on the steamer Virginius, when the city was besieged by the republican forces. Being arrested by a U. S. man-of-war, and held as a prisoner till the republicans captured the place, he was permitted to go on the Virginius wherever he pleased, out of the republic. For violating his pledge on the coast of Yucatan he was arrested and taken to Vera Cruz, where he was tried, and sentenced to eight years' exile. In Habana he still tried to influence Mexican politics; but this was the last of the old man's efforts, he being by this time convinced that he had become a political nonentity. A general amnesty decreed by the Mexican government allowed him to return to his country in 1874. He petitioned not only for the restoration of his property, but also of his rank as a general with pay. His reiterated petitions were denied, till the last one, which was left unnoticed. But for this persistency to recover rank with its emoluments, which had been hinted to him would not be-conceded, his earlier services might have spared him some degree of prestige. He lost all, and was left to an imbittered life, utterly ignored.
36. 'Recayó la eleccion en la persona del Exmo Sr general de division D. Martin Carrera.' Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., i. 18-25; Méx., Legisl. Mej., 1855, 493; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vii. 553-4; Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 322; Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 470-5; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 87-8.
37. Abolished the appellation of 'alteza serenísima'; suppressed the order of Guadalupe and the policy of secrecy; liberated all political prisoners; and ordered hostilities on the part of the government troops to cease, unless for defence; mustered auxiliary forces out of service; and forbade comandantes generales to intervene in treasury matters. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., vii. 554, 572-3; Мéх., Legisl. Mеј., 1855, 403, 479; Archivo Mех., Сol. Ley., і. 31-8.
38. Born at Puebla in 1806. His father being a colonel of artillery of the royal army, the son entered the service when only nine years old, and at twelve was already an officer. In 1821 he joined the ejército trigarante, and later was sent to the defence of Vera Cruz. In 1833 he was made a col of artillery. During his long military service he took part in many actions of war. In July 1840 he defended the government, for which the next year he was premoted to general of brigade. In the U. S. war he served honorably in the valley of Mexico. In 1853, for his services to General Santa Anna, he was made a general of division and a councillor of state, and later accompanied the dictator in the Michoacan campaign. After he ceased to be president, he retired to private life till the tripartite intervention, when he tendered his services to the government, which did not employ him. The empire retired him from the service. He died, much respected and esteemed, on the 22d of April. 1871. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 471-2, 475; Perez, Dicc. Geog., iii. 272-4.
39. 'El ejército necesita reformas, por lo que claman hasta sus propios individuos. . .el ejército tendrá como hermana á la guardia nacional. Archivo Мех., Сol. Ley., i. 25-30.
40. Another pronunciamiento occurred about this time; that of Santiago Vidaurri at Monterey; but it was limited to establishing his dictatorship over Nuevo Leon, his state. Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 346.
41. The chief of that department, Ignacio La Llave, had proclaimed there the plan of Ayutla and Acapulco, without additions or amendments.
42. Puebla, Vera Cruz, Querétaro, and Guanajuato. Some of its orders were obeyed in Yucatan. The former Santanista garrisons also tendered him their support.
43. Nuevo Leon resumed her autonomy, intending to maintain that status till a congress should be summoned in accordance with the convocation of Dec. 10, 1841. Zacatecas on the 16th of Sept. seconded the plan of Ayutla; Gen. Parra opened fire on the people, but after a fight lasting the whole night the revolutionists were victorious, and the troops laid down their arms. Doblado in Guanajuato asked for concessions in favor of the conservatives. The events at the capital were accepted in many places; but the heads of the real revolution waited for orders from Álvarez, or other leaders of their party.
44. It was accepted only by La Llave, though proceeding, as he said, from one devoid of authority.
45. The revolutionary chiefs insisted on Carrera's resignation. Haro y Tamariz wanted his plan accepted, and that the chiefs of the revolution should hold a meeting excluding therefrom Carrera's commissioners. La Garza started from San Luis to hold a conference with Vidaurri. Doblado sent a commissioner to prevent the conference; and at the same time Álvarez marched upon the capital with southern troops.
46. Carrera did no act to any one's injury, or that could blot his honorable name. He maintained order in the capital, and forwarded the ends of the revolution. His correspondence with its chief leaders proved to him there could be no combination between the past and the future. In his manifesto of the 12th he hopes his countrymen will acknowledge that he fulfilled his promise of not causing a single tear to be shed. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., i. 59-7, 65-72; Baz, Vida de Juarez, 88–90; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1031-2.
47. The parties signed an act to that effect at Lagos, in Jalisco, Sept. 16, 1855; Comonfort being also recognized as Álvarez' representative and second in command. Archivo Mex., Col. Ley., i. 57-9.
48. Among the most prominent of the 25 representatives thus appointed were: Félix Zuloaga, Guillermo Prieto, Melchor Ocampo, Benito Juarez, Ponciano Arriaga, J. M. Lafragua, Valentin Gomez Farías, and Juan José Baz. Id., 75-8; La Voz de Son., 1855, Nov. 9, 16.
49. The election was officially published in Mexico on the 19th of October. Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 322; Mex., Legisl. Mej., 1855, 450-2, 459; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iv. 582-4.