History of Mexico (Bancroft)/Volume 5/Chapter 6

by Hubert Howe Bancroft

 

CHAPTER VI.

 

THE FEDERAL SYSTEM AND ITS OVERTHROW.

1832-1836.

Administration of Gomez Pedraza — His Subsequent Career, Character, and Death — Biography of Gomez Farías — His Political Principles and Administration — Disturbances in Michoacan — Santa Anna's Paradoxical Action — Arista's Revolt and its Suppression — First Movements in Favor of Centralism — Political Defeat of Farías — Santa Anna's Biography and Character — Downfall of the Federal System — Santa Anna Dictator — Political Parties and Contests — The New Congress — Centralism Inaugurated The New Constitutional Law — Dissatisfaction — Attempts to Reëstablish Federalism.

President Gomez Pedraza in his inaugural address at Puebla reviewed the events of the late revolution, expressing his appreciation of the services rendered by Santa Anna, and making a harangue to Bustamante s army, in which he commended their valor arid patriotism.^[1] The cabinet was appointed on the 24th and 26th of December, 1832: Bernardo Gonzalez Angulo, minister of relations; Joaquin Parrés, and in his absence Cirilo Gomez Anaya, of war; Miguel Ramos Arizpe, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs; Valentin Gomez Farías, of the treasury.

Manuel Gomez Pedraza was born in Querétaro^[2] about 1788. During the war of independence he served in the royal army, and the capture of Morelos is in a great measure attributed to his advice. As a soldier he was held to be a martinet; later, as a statesman, he was a strict republican. He lent his support to Iturbide, however, while on the throne, and was of much service to him. In 1824^[3] he was despatched to Puebla as comandante general and governor; and charges of neglect to prosecute malefactors being preferred against him, he was recalled, tried by court-martial, but finally acquitted; after which President Victoria called him to assume the portfolio of war in his cabinet.^[4] Of the particulars of his election to the presidency in 1828, and the events therewith connected, I have spoken in a previous chapter. The new government made its triumphal entry into the capital January 3, 1833, and was received with homage. But a fatality seemed to accompany the republic in every effort to consolidate its peace and political institutions. Envy and discord were ever alive, and now showed their unhappy tendencies in the interior. Zacatecas, Jalisco, and San Luis Potosí made objections to some articles in the plan of Zavaleta, grounded on their alleged inefficacy to save the country from a reaction.

The sincere pledges of the new cabinet and confidence inspired induced the states to abandon the prospect of a convention. But the dangerous question initiated by Zacatecas, Jalisco, and San Luis Potosí demanded a prompt solution.^[5] While the states named two citizens to form a privy council, the executive established a board composed of two natives of each state to aid him in carrying out his plans of reform, and at the same time watch his acts. This would be a further guaranty of his good intentions. A meeting of commissioners from Zacatecas, Jalisco, Durango, Querétaro, and San Luis Potosí, on the 19th of January, after a long discussion of the article of the convenio de Zavaleta, respecting new electoral acts, waived their objections and proceeded at once to effect their elections, which were completed by the end of February.^[6]

Santa Anna and Gomez Farías obtained the majority of votes for president and vice-president respectively, to which end Gomez Pedraza had directed his influence to reward them for their services in his behalf.^[7]

Some of the government's measures were worthy of commendation, such as diminishing the military force,^[8] and clearing the public roads of malefactors; but others showed a spirit of vindictiveness, not only as against the ministers of Bustamante's cabinet, but also toward the Spaniards, many of whom had been latterly allowed to live in peace, and others, who had left the country under the expulsion laws, to return. Fortunately for them the orders were greatly modified when General Parrés assumed his duties in the cabinet.^[9]

The clergy and army now became the prominent objects of attack, the destruction of their influence being regarded as a policy that would tend to secure future peace and the permanency of free institutions. The measures proposed to this end, both in and out of congress,^[10] created great alarm and turmoil, in the midst of which Pedraza's term of office having expired, he surrendered the executive authority to the vice-president elect, Gomez Farías, Santa Anna being absent from the city, intentionally, as believed by many, to permit the initiation by Gomez Farías of the reforms demanded by the radical wing of the progressive party, without incurring himself any responsibility in the event of those innovations not finding general support.

 

After his presidential term ceased, Pedraza continued to use his influence in national affairs. In 1838 he was again minister of war. Acting in opposition to his principles, he served as minister of relations in 1841, sustaining the most absolute power that ever existed in the country since the rule of the oficiales reales shortly after the conquest, because he expected good results from it. Seeing his error, he retraced his steps, returning to the support of federalist policy. In 1842 he was a member of the constituent congress, and by his eloquence wielded great power in the chamber.^[11] In 1844 he became a senator; in 1845 a presidential candidate, but was not elected.^[12] After this he showed none of his charteristic activity till 1846, when he was a member of the council of state. In 1850 he was again defeated for the presidential office. His last official act was in the capacity of plenipotentiary to negotiate a convention with the United States.

Gomez Pedraza possessed high intellectual powers, and was energetic in action. His education, political as well as literary, began late, and though the last twenty years of his life were devoted to study, his ignorance of fundamental facts often showed itself even in his best discourses as minister or senator. In the general intercourse with men he was brusque, economized words, and affected some stoicism;^[13] but with his intimate personal friends he was open and frank. He has been often accused of vindictiveness, but he could with more reason be charged with momentary exhibitions of passion. In private life he was irreproachable.

Pedraza's death, caused by pulmonary consumption, took place on the 14th of May, 1851. He was then 62 years of age. During his long illness he had priests near his bed, but having failed to confess before expiring, such was the intolerance of the clergy, though he had shown them favors in life, that his last wish to be interred in San Cosme was refused. That was of no consequence, however, as congress decreed that his remains belonged to the nation, and that a special mausoleum should be erected for them.

 

Vice-President Valentin Gomez Farías took possession of the government on the 1st of April, 1833, and a few days after appointed his cabinet, which was composed as follows: Cárlos García, minister of relations; Miguel Ramos Arizpe, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs; José María de Bocanegra, of the treasury; and José Joaquin de Herrera, of war and marine.^[14]

Gomez Farías, the champion of reform and progress in Mexico, was born in Guadalajara^[15] on the 14th of February, 1781. He completed his studies and graduated as a physician in his native city,^[16] and in a short time acquired a profitable practice, from which he amassed a competency.

Gomez Farías did some service to the cause of independence, and was the signer of a proposition to elect Iturbide emperor, this being apparently the only means at the time to secure peace together with Mexican nationality. But when Iturbide abandoned the constitutional path, Farías became a formidable opponent to him.^[17] The elevation of Victoria and Gomez Pedraza to the presidential seat was due in a measure to his influence. The new vice-president was a man of progress, but unfortunately of too impatient a disposition to allow time for progress to become steadily developed. However, with his friends' coöperation, he gave a great impulse to the reforms that were initiated by himself in 1831 and adopted by the government in 1833 and 1834.^[18] He liked to undertake difficult feats, possessing as he did a large stock of courage and perseverance. Rigorous measures and bloodshed were not to his liking, nor used by him to effect his purposes. He was a democrat at heart, unambitious of honors or wealth, moderate and unpretentious, ever disposed to serve his country, and only aspiring to merit the good will of his fellow-citizens. His first period at the head of public affairs was of short duration, but pregnant with important events, accompanied by grave perils. Surrounded by men most radical in principles, and being without money and without influence, as his ideas on reform were but little understood, he struggled to save the constitution, which was constantly outraged and repeatedly in danger of stranding on the rocks of partisanship.

The privileged classes received some hard blows at the hands of Gomez Farías, who energetically sustained that the civil authority should always be above the military, and endeavored to prevent interference on the part of the clergy in secular affairs.

The new administration likewise promoted public instruction, and labored to have the abolition of the capital penalty for political offences recognized as a principle of public policy.^[19] It did not favor proscriptive measures, though the more violent wing of its supporters wanted to apply them to their defeated opponents, whom they nicknamed picaluganos — after Picaluga, the wretch who betrayed Guerreroand looked upon as hateful aristocrats.^[20]

The reform measures proposed to be introduced, so directly affecting the interests of two such powerful elements as the ecclesiastical and military, caused the greatest agitation. Santa Anna thought that his presence at the head of the government might allay it, and accordingly assumed the presidential authority on the 16th of May, 1833.^[21] It was about this time that the centralist party made its first public demonstration in a paper directed against the congress.^[22] This body closed its session on the 21st of May.^[23]

The prevailing uncertainty and alarm among the better elements of society gave encouragement to the enemies of the progressionists. At last armed parties began to present themselves in southern Mexico expecting support from Santa Anna, who had been endeavoring to gain the good will of the bishops and religious orders, while these, on their part, laid much stress at their conferences with him on the good that must result from church and state sustaining one another and acting harmoniously.

Gomez Farías and the moderate wing of the progressionists, dissatisfied with the aspect of affairs, endeavored to check the extremists of their own party, the radicals, but were unsuccessful. While Santa Anna occupied the presidential chair, the party upholding the fueros felt itself much stronger. A pronunciamiento was made by Colonel Ignacio Escalada, at Morelia, Michoacan, on the 26th of May, professing to defend at all hazards the religion of Christ, and the rights and privileges of the church and army,^[24] calling upon Santa Anna to be their protector, and declaring null and void the acts of Governor Salgado.^[25] Santa Anna, however, disapproved the plan, and in order to go against the revolutionists, who had also appeared at Tlalpam and Chalco,^[26] Lagos, Leon, and other places, he surrendered the executive on the 3d of June to Gomez Farías — who made active preparations for the campaign — and started^[27] with the cavalry for Tlalpam to join 1,000 men concentrated there from various points. And now occurred a curious piece of by-play. Santa Anna was apparently made captive by his own revolted troops on the 6th of June at Xuchí, and conveyed to Yautepec.^[28] His captors, to win the favor of the army, proclaimed him dictator, the very title he wished for though without openly working to obtain it. This is to all appearances the fact; for as soon as Gomez Farías was thought to be powerless, generals, deputies, senators, and even some of his ministers forsook him. The few soldiers and the portion of the police that had remained in the capital made a pronunciamiento^[29] on the 7th, and attacked the palace. The vice-president's only support at that moment was General Juan Pablo Anaya with about sixty cívicos. He did not lose courage, however. The assailants were defeated, many of them lost their lives, and the rest were eventually captured. Energetic efforts were made to restore constitutional order. In a few days a force of 6,000 cívicos was organized to defend the capital, which was declared to be under martial law.^[30] Steps were likewise taken to rescue the captured president.^[31] The latter, on seeing the ill success of the revolutionary movement in Mexico, pretended to escape from his place of detention near Cuautla de Amilpas, and afterward lent his support to carry out the wishes of the most radical wing of the liberal party. It was then that the famous 'ley del caso'^[32] was enacted in spite of Gomez Farías' opposition. The vice-president had surrendered the executive authority to Santa Anna on the 18th, but Puebla being threatened by Arista and Duran, he resumed it again on the 5th of July, to enable the president to march at the head of the troops against the enemy.^[33]

The agitation continued throughout the country.^[34] The effort to weaken the power of the clergy and army was not abandoned; but owing to the absence of a combined plan, vacillation marked the counsels of the administration, which conduced to the ruin of the yorkino party, whose enemies had now at command large resources, besides the good will of Santa Anna. In his policy toward the clergy, the vice-president endeavored to detach the interests of religion from those of the state.^[35]

On the 10th of July Santa Anna marched out of the capital with about 2,400 men^[36] and six pieces of artillery. On the same day was published a letter dated July 6th, from Arista and Duran^[37] to Santa Anna, in which by the latter's invitation, as they stated, they set forth their views, which were to the effect that the federal system was unsuited for Mexico. They recommended that a national convention should be called to give the nation any form of government other than the federal.^[38]

Several partial encounters took place between Santa Anna and the insurgents,^[39] Arista and his army being finally driven into the city of Guanajuato, where on the 8th of October they surrendered at discretion to Santa Anna, supported by allies of a coalition which had been formed of the western states.^[40] Arista and 48 other officers were sent to Mexico as prisoners, subject to the disposal of the supreme government.^[41] The revolution was then considered at an end,^[42] and the federal institutions were held to be safe. At the conclusion of his campaign Santa Anna returned to Mexico and resumed the presidency, Gomez Farías' plans being thus interrupted for the time.

Santa Anna had now changed his political opinions, showing a marked disposition to favor a reaction, and being looked upon as its future leader. However, on the 16th of December, on the pretext of ill health, he again turned over the executive authority^[43] to the vice-president, who, finding the prospect of affairs gloomy, submitted early in 1834 to the force of circumstances, and called Francisco M. Lombardo to take charge of the portfolio of relations, which appointment in itself implied a great modification in the general policy.

A division of the progressionists on points relating to the public instruction and to the management of Indian funds^[44] drew a number of them unwittingly into the ranks of the supporters of ʼreligion y fueros.' The animosity of parties was becoming more virulent, and discussion was turned into personal abuse. No party seemed to have in mind the welfare of the people.

Amid the confusion a hare-brained plan was proclaimed at Ecatzingo,^[45] proposing to crown a descendant of Montezuma under the old colonial laws; to expel foreigners; and to promote a war of races, inviting the Indians to take up arms and demand equality of rights. The plan, dated Chicontla, February 2, 1834, caused considerable alarm to the government, who suspected it to be the work of the clergy. It failed, but left evil consequences.^[46] Santa Anna, who had retired to Manga de Clavo, daily received invitations to become the leader of the reactionary movement, with unrestricted powers. After completing his arrangements he went back to Mexico, removed Gomez Farías from power, and assumed it himself on the 24th of April, 1834, at a time when in many places acts had been passed against the reform measures.

Gomez Farías has been blamed by the liberal party for not having acted with energy on this occasion; for failing, in fact, to place Santa Anna in confinement. He had been intrusted with the mission of doing away with the old practices and traditional institutions, and should have energetically destroyed all opposition. The militia and both houses of congress would have supported his action, as he had in his possession the evidence that Santa Anna was conspiring against the country's institutions. And yet he hesitated, solely because he disliked being suspected of personal ambition, or accused of unconstitutional acts. His present course — which he repented of and tried to correct in 1840 — led to the overthrow of all that had been done, and to the triumph of a violent reaction based on the plans of Orizaba^[47] and Cuernavaca, which restored their power to the clergy and army.

Farías left the executive office, which he had been exercising with dictatorial powers, without a stain upon his character.^[48] His action was so vigorous that, notwithstanding the efforts of powerful hands to erase the marks of it, they remained visible to the latest day. When the reaction had fairly become master of the situation he was deposed from his office of vice-president by the congress of 1835,^[49] General Barragan being called to succeed him. He left his country as an exile, and only returned in 1838,^[50] when he was received with the highest marks of esteem by his political friends. He then apparently kept himself on good terns with the government.^[51] His subsequent efforts in favor of the federal system subjected him again to persecution and imprisonment. The populace took him out of the prison. In 1840, had he been a sanguinary man, he could have put his enemies to death. He was afterward compelled to seek refuge in a foreign legation, and in September was again banished.^[52] In 1845 he was formally invited to return to Mexico. Gomez Farías was a man of strict moral principles, conscientious, and unselfish.

 

Antonio Lopez de Santa Anna was born in Jalapa on the 21st of February, 1795, his parents being Antouio Lopez de Santa Anna, who had been for many years the subdelegado of the province of Antigua Vera Cruz, and Manuela Perez de Lebron.^[53] His father wished him to become a merchant, and obtained for him a position in a first-class house of Vera Cruz, which he held only for a short time. His inclination to the military profession was so strong that he was entered as a cadet July 10, 1810, in the regiment Fijo de Vera Cruz, at an earlier age than the regulations required. From that time he saw much active service, and obtained promotion grade by grade. Below I give a synopsis of his military career to the date when he became president of the republic.^[54]

Santa Anna from his earliest days, even in boyhood at school, manifested a quarrelsome disposition. In after life he was passionate. He liked well enough to see his country's prosperity if caused by himself, but he lacked the necessary ability either to accomplish or maintain it. Moreover, he wasted most of his time in pleasures, being addicted to dissipation in almost every form. Despite these proclivities, he loved honors and money. Santa Anna possessed neither prominent civic traits nor deep convictions in political affairs; hence we see him at one time the president of the republic under the federal form of government; at another, under the central system; and lastly, dictator. Nature had implanted in him the germ of action, which he brought into play whenever required to subserve his own purposes. As regarded his conscience, it was both elastic and numb, never being disturbed by actions that would have greatly troubled most men.

 

Santa Anna manifested at first a disposition to please all parties, each of which looked to his assistance for its triumph. He finally leaned to the side of the reactionists, and by a coup d'état dissolved the national congress.^[55] This act was consequent on the adoption of the plan de Cuernavaca,^[56] the object of which was to proclaim religion, fueros, and Santa Anna, denouncing reform as impious, and condemning federation and Vice-President Gomez Farías.^[57] The plan being adopted by a large portion of the republic in spite of the opposition on the part of Puebla, Querétaro, Michoacan, Jalisco, San Luis Potosí, Zacatecas, Oajaca, and Yucatan, the clergy hastened to support the government with pecuniary means. The opposing states had to succumb, Puebla and her governor, Cosme Furlong, being the last to do so after sustaining a siege.^[58]

Santa Anna not only disbanded the national congress, but also the state legislatures, and deposed governors and ayuntamientos, replacing them with adherents of the plan de Cuernavaca. And now behold him ruling as a dictator, without congress, council, legislatures, or ministers — for he had dismissed the members of Gomez Farías' cabinet, retaining only Lombardo.^[59] Their portfolios remained for some time in charge of the oficiales mayores of the several departments vacated, till finally they were intrusted to the following ministers, namely: May 5th, of the treasury, Javier Echeverría; May 21st, of war, General José Joaquin Herrera; July 26th, of justice and ecclesiastical affairs, Bishop Juan Cayetano Portugal.^[60]

The escoceses, in order to draw Santa Anna to their side, persuaded him that desisting from further innovations he could maintain the ecclesiastical reforms already in operation, and forward the plan of public instruction. That party showed ability in counselling him to sustain what they were bent on destroying.^[61]

The dictator convoked a congress to meet in the latter part of 1834, and restored the bishops to their dioceses;^[62] but on the other hand, he became so despotic in most of his measures that the whole country was greatly agitated. And yet he claimed that the constitution of 1824 was still in force, and repressed all attempts against it.

The military and ecclesiastics now unblushingly used the terms federation' and 'sovereignty of states' purposely to throw out their chief opponents, the men of moderate views, and by this means carry the elcctions. In this game of intrigue Santa Anna was caught in his own net. The elections took place, and though the escoceses and Santanistas endeavored to lead the electors,^[63] the military and clergy obtained an immense majority, Santa Anna having virtually become the destroyer of that which he had so long labored to establish.

A declaration having been made in the south by General Bravo against the existing state of things, Santa Anna went in December 1834 to Cuernavaca to confer with him in the interest of public tranquillity. He still pretended to maintain neutrality in the war of parties, ordering the troops to confine their efforts to the preservation of peace. This hypocritical pretension was made in the face of his despotic acts, at a time when the passions of men were at fever heat, when chaos and anarchy prevailed, and the comandantes generales were clothed with unlimited powers. Surely no good could result from such a crooked policy.^[64]

The general congress opened its session^[65] with much solemnity and pomp, but the whole country felt disspirited at the inefficacy of the measures adopted by the government to reconstruct its institutions on a solid basis.^[66]

Santa Anna asked for an amnesty law and it was decreed.^[67] It would be impossible to estimate the evils that might have befallen the country if the escocés or moderate party, led by José María Gutierrez Estrada, had not seized the situation. Four parties were struggling for the ascendency, namely, the allied clergy and military, or centralists, the overthrown federalists, the escoceses, and the Santanistas. Though the first had won the elections, the dictator gave the preference to the third named, and then tendered his resignation of the presidency, which the congress declined to accept.^[68] He was, however, granted a leave of absence, and retired as usual to his estate of Manga de Clavo, General Barragan being chosen to hold the executive office ad interim. The government was surrendered to him on the 28th of January, 1835.^[69] His ministers claimed to act with entire independence, but the general belief was that Barragan never took a step as executive without first obtaining Santa Anna's sanction.

 

Miguel Barragan was a native of Valle del Maiz in San Luis Potosí, and was born in 1789.^[70] Of his career as a military and public man I have had

repeated occasions to speak in the previous volume. He was often intrusted with civil offices requiring ability and energy, both of which he displayed. Barragan was ever noted for his kindness of heart, probity, and elegance of manners. For the poor and helpless he always manifested in a practical manner his solicitude.

 

Shortly after Santa Anna's retirement pronunciamientos were made in several places regarding the form of government, and representations were constantly addressed to the administration and congress favoring a central system; in view of which the two houses of congress formed themselves into a general assembly,^[71] and on the 3d of October the change was formally established by decree. Under that act the central régime was virtually inaugurated,^[72] and a provisional statute therefor enacted on the 23d of October, the chief clauses of which are given synoptically in a note.^[73]

In order further to carry out the alleged wishes of the nation,^[74] on the 15th of December, congress passed a constitutional law setting forth the rights and obligations of the citizens and denizens of the republic to serve as a basis for the change to be effected in the form of government.^[75] The same congress, acting as a constituent assembly, framed a new constitution, which, being composed of seven laws, became popularly known under the title of the 'Siete Leyes,' and was sanctioned and promulgated on the 30th of December, 1836. I give below the chief features of the instrument.^[76]

This constitution failed to satisfy any of the parties. The progressionists saw retrogression in it. The clergy were displeased because certain principles had not been expunged, which were at a future day to bear bitter fruit for them, causing the loss of their influence and property. The army could not find in the law any power entirely dependent on bayonets. However, certain clauses in it were evidently intended to serve as checks to the discretional power of Santa Anna, who, it was expected, would be the first president chosen under the new régime.

 

President Barragan had to provide resources for the campaign to put down the revolted colonists of Texas, full details of which will appear in the following chapters; and at the same time to face attempts to restore by force of arms the federal form of government. The most prominent of these were made by generals José Antonio Mejía and Juan Álvarez. The first named, after failing in several attempts in Querétaro and Guadalajara, proceeded to New Orleans, and returned in November 1835 with three ships under Mexican colors, and about 200 adventurers, to Tampico, where through the coöperation of the commandant at the bar, he succeeded in capturing the fort on the 16th of that month; but on assailing the town, where the garrison had remained faithful to the authorities against a pronunciamiento in support of federalism, he was disastrously repulsed, leaving behind a number of prisoners, all of whom were dealt with as pirates.^[77] As for Álvarez, who operated in the south, he was defeated shortly before the congress undertook the work of reconstruction of the country.

 

 

1. The speeches appeared in the newspaper La Aurora, 1832, Dec. 27, supl.
2. According to information from his relatives. Others make Soto la Marina his birthplace. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 164.
3. On the 2d of March, 1824, he was chosen governor of Mexico. Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 231.
4. March 23, 1828, the legislature of Occidente made him a citizen of that state.
5. The ecclesiastical chapter omitted no expense to show its acquiescence in the new order of things. Arrillaga, Recop., 1832-3, 267; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 131-3; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., 368-9.
6. We are assured that the electoral laws were in many instances infringed, and that candidates for members of congress and legislatures were purposely taken from the lower classes; a policy which in the long run would be sure to bring on a reaction. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 169.
7. They were declared duly elected by the congress on the 30th of March. Arrillaga, Recop., 1832-3, 49-500; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 503.
8. An order of the minister of war on the 19th January, 1833, discoutinued the titles of libertador and federal that the armies bore in the last civil war.
9. See supplementary act of January 18, 1833, and circulars of Jan. 23d, Feb. 23d, March 4th, May 7th. Arrillaga, Recop., 1832-3, 276-7, 281-4, 444-5, 454-5; 1833, Ap.-May, 147; June-July, 223 4; Alaman, Hist. Méj, v. 859-60; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 221-2; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 133-5, 149-30.
10. The new congress was installed on the 20th of March, 1833. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii.
11. During his short service in the Spanish córtes he made no display of his oratorical gift.
12. Whilst in the senate he favored the conclusion of a treaty with Texas.
13. The attempt at appearing more enlightened and liberal than others, caused many of his aberrations, which were more deserving of pity than reproach. Tornel, Breve Reseña Hist., 36. Zavala says of him that he preferred solitude, and it was incomprehensible how he ever aspired to be president. He was noted for 'la regularidad de sus costumbres, sus modales mecánicos, una fisonomía anómala.' Revol. Méj., ii. 58.
14. They held office only a few months, all of them being out before the end of the year. Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1032; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 113, 122-5; Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, Ap.-May, '95, 201.
15. His parents were of pure Castilian race; his father was named José Lugardo Gomez de la Vara, and his mother María Josefa Martinez y Farías. The names given the child at the baptismal font were José María Valentin, Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 172.
16. It is recorded that he studied French under the greatest difficulties, and having at his examination expressed ideas which he must have drawn from modern French authors, his name was inscribed in the register of the inquisition. Id.
17. Bustamante, who hated Gomez Farías, confesses that he was 'hombre constante, sesudo, y abunda en talento.' Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 228.
18. The principles developed 20 years later by Miguel Lerdo de Tejada were prompted by Doctor José M. Mora, who had been impelled to adopt them by Gomez Farías, as appeared in a letter to the latter from Mora, dated Zacatecas, June 24, 1831.
19. Gomez Farías never violated it; though he had to deal with the men of the bloody administration of 1830-1832, and with those who in sustaining the fueros placed the party in power — his own in great jeopardy. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. ccxxvii.
20. Santa Anna tried to induce first Gomez Pedraza and next Gomez Farías to banish his personal enemies, but failed. Later, when he held the power to do it himself, he had changed his mind after resolving to champion the cause of the privileged classes.
21. On that date he took the oath of office before congress, expressing his satisfaction at his rule beginning under the auspices of peace, 'reynando la concordia entre una mayoría inmensa de ciudadanos,' expressions that Bustamante ridicules. Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 134-5.
22. Its title was 'Ó se disuelven las cámaras, ó nuestra ruina es segura.'
23. Bustamante, a bitter opponent, says that those chambers did much harm: 'llenaron de lágrimas la Nacion.' Id., 143.
24. He was later defeated at Las Cruces by Gen. Valencia. In 1834 he was tried and sentenced to death; but the sentence was commuted to life banishment from the republic. Dispos. Var., v. 21.
25. According to Bustamante, Escalada's movement was the result of the writings appearing in the Antorcha, Mono, Verdad Desnuda, and other reactionary journals. He looked upon it as an imprudent step. Voz de la Patria, MS., vii. 138-41; Filisola, Mem., 382-3; Arista, Reseña Revol., 8, 80; Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, Ap.-May, 215-6; June-July, 115; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 155-65. The acts of Gov. Salgado objected to were his banishing 12 military officers.
26. Under colonels Unda and Duran respectively. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 149.
27. Bustamante has it that he left Mexico on Sunday the 2d, which must be an error. Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 153.
28. Vice-President Gomez Farías announced it to the public on the 7th of June. Arista, Reseña Revol., 90.
29. They had been bribed to do it by Gen. Arista's agents. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 177.
30. The government was on the same day invested by congress, then again sitting, with extraordinary powers, and used them by causing the arrest of several army officers, and adopting other measures. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 532; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xii. 32-3.
31. It was declared a patriotic act to secure his liberation; honors and high pccuniary rewards were offered to persons successfully accomplishing it, allowing to each $10,000. Any person making an attempt against the president's life was outlawed. Dispos. Var., v. 2; Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, June-July, 115, 121, 136.
32. This law was passed by the congress on the 23d of June, 1833. It originated in the senate, and was confirmed by the lower house under the influence, it was asserted by the centralists, of an apprehension that the members of congress as well as of the government were in danger of assassination. It authorized the executive to order the arrest and exile from the republic for the tern of six years certain prominent citizens belonging to the party of religion y fueros, among whom were Anastasio Bustamante, Mariano Michelena, Zenon Fernandez, Francisco Molinos del Campo, José María Gutierrez de Estrada, Miguel Santa María, Francisco Fagoaga, Mangino, and the Spanish religious. Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, Ap.-July, 130-2; Santa Maria, Expos., 1-48; Bustamante, Hist. Santa Anna, MS., ii. 44; Id., Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 182-201; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 216-20. On the 21st of June, 1834, President Santa Anna, then coquetting with all parties, allowed persons affected by that law who had not yet left the republic to remain in it provisionally, and gave them safe-conducts, till the future congress should reconsider the matter. His decree did not include the military, who by force of arms endeavored to destroy the federal system, and yet he promised to intercede with congress for their pardon. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 241-2, 326-7.
33. By special permission of congress decreed on the same date. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 536.
34. In the south Gen. Bravo was talked of for president; armed parties showed themselves in all directions. Rumors of secret plans were in circulation, the impression prevailing that the revolutionists, for mutual recognition, used an oval-shaped ring on which was engraved the image of Christ.
35. The reform measures, as they related to the church, are detailed in a chapter specially devoted to ecclesiastical affairs in vol. vi. Hist. Mex., this series.
36. According to Bustamante the press-gang was employed, and the rights of citizens were trampled upon. Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 227.
37. These officers, after marching and countermarching in the vicinity of Tezcuco, Mexico, and Puebla, proceeded to Tehuacan de las Granadas, where Lemus, commandant at Puebla, attacked them and was defeated, and taken prisoner with his staff, most of his men having in the action gone over to the enemy. Arista and Duran might then have taken Puebla by a forced march the same night, the distance being only 21 miles; but they only showed themselves the next day in front of the city, which they laid siege to. The place was then defended by ex-President Victoria, and the besiegers, after ten days of useless assaults, gave up their purpose, and went away, in fear that Santa Anna was coming against them. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 209-11. It was reported in Mexico that most of the rebel force had been annihilated. Dispos. Var., v. 70-2, Méx., Mem. Guerra, 1834, 17.
38. Meantime Santa Anna was to be dictator. The rights of the clergy and army were to be protected. The full text of the letter is in Arista, Reseña Revol., 96-103; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 219-21.
39. In the midst of the political agitation and civil war the country was invaded by Asiatic cholera, which raged from June to September, destroying thousands of lives. The armies in the field suffered severely. In the city of Mexico alone the burials on the 17th of August exceeded 1,220. Bustamante gives an interesting account of the visitation and its havoc. Id., 235-61.
40. A league of the states of Jalisco, Querétaro, Guanajuato, Michoacan, San Luis Potosí, Zacatecas, and Durango was formed in July-August, and later joined by Nuevo Leon, to support the federal government and institutions. It met with the approval of the general government, and indeed, it is said to have been suggested by Gomez Farías with the view of securing the services of 10,000 men. Durango, Gac. Sup. Gob., 1833, 423; Coalicion Est. Occid., in Pinart, Coll., nos 258-9, 266; Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, 39-51, 312-13; V. Cruz, Sesion Hon. Cong., 1; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 228, 441-7. After the defeat of the revolutionists the coalition came to an end in November, being no longer encouraged by the national government. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 641.
41. The prisoners had all been guaranteed their lives; later they were sent out of the country, with orders not to return till permitted by the government. Arista, Reseña Revol., 62-7, 132-4; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 580, 599-601; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 270-83, 339-59. The government's triumph was celebrated with civic and religious ceremonies. Arrillaga, Recop., 1833, 147-8.
42. There had been also troubles in Oajaca and Guerrero, which terminated early in November. An attempt in Chiapas against the federal system, in November, also failed. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 176-7; Arista, Reseña Revol., 22-6; Carriedo, Est. Hist., ii. 40-1; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 414-28, 491-631; El Iris de Chiapas, 1833, Dec. 9; Chiapas, Dict., 1-18; Arriliaga, Recop., 1835, 405.
43. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii, 179.
44. The government did away with the old separation of schools for Indians and gente de razon. The schools were to serve for all classes together, and to be supported from a common fund. Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 187.
45. Its authors were the curate Epigmenio de las Piedras and a certain Father Cárlos Tepixtoc. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 633-6; Sombra de Moctheuzoma, 1834, no. 1; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 194-6.
46. Congress on the 19th of Feb. 1834, decreed that all generals and other officers embraced in art. 11 of the convenio de Zavaleta should be mustered out of the service. Again, on the 10th of April, a decree was passed depriving of their military rank Anastasio Bustamante and Felipe Codallos, at the same time declaring that no person who had a direct participation in 'la aprehension y los asesinatos' of Gucrrero and others should be permitted to belong to the Mexican army. This law was annulled by presidential decree of August 14th of the same year. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 108-9, 449-50.
47. This was a plan of the reactionists against certain measures of the state legislature on ecclesiastical affairs, which was seconded in Córdoba. Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 165; Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 205; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii. 203-14; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., ix. 22-7, 74; "La Sombra de Moctheuzoma, 1834, nos 4-6.
48. 'Con las manos limpias de sangre y de dinero.' Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii, 227; Payno, Cuentos, Gastos, 600.
49. On the 27th of Jan., and the next day he was forbidden the exercise of the functions of that office. Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 37; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., x. 14-8; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 15.
50. To live in New Orleans he had to sell even the last piece of his service of plate that he had bought when practising medicine.
51. The strictest surveillance was, however, kept over him.
52. He resided a short time in New York, and then lived in Yucatan about two years. He afterward returned to New Orleans.
53. Lebron was a corruption of the French Lebrun. The name Santa Anna had its origin from Limia in the diocese of Orense in Spain, the family being well connected. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 183.
54. Promoted to sub-lieut of fusileers in 1812, and to lieut of grenadiers with a captain's brevet in 1820; to full captain breveted as a lieut-col in 1821 by Viceroy Venadito. Commissioned a lieut-col by Iturbide; col with the brevet of brigadier by the regency, and a full brigadier by Iturbide. For his victory over the Spanish invaders at Tampico in 1829 Guerrero promoted him to general of division. He was deprived of this rank in 1832 by the government of Bustamante, but it was restored to him immediately after the fall of that administration.

    Santa Anna's first campaigns as a cadet were in Nuevo Santander and Texas, taking part in several actions of war, and distinguishing himself for gallantry and general efficiency. In 1811 he served in San Luis Potosí, and in 1812 in the Sierra Gorda, receiving an arrow-wound in his left arm at the action of Amoladeras. On the 18th of August, 1813, he was in an action fought against revolutionists and their Anglo-American allies on the Medina River in Texas, for which he was decorated. Two years later he returned to Vera Cruz, and was actively engaged in campaigning against insurgents, for which services he was a second time rewarded with a decoration. In 1817, while commanding outside of the city of Vera Cruz, he contributed to the pacification of the province, and from that time continued serving the colonial government till April 1821, when he accepted the plan of Iguala and joined the ejército trigarante.

55. On the 31st of May. Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 165.
56. On the 23d of May. It contained five articles, pregnant with future troubles for Mexico, which epitomized are as follows: 1. The plan disapproves all proscriptive laws and decrees; all religious reform, including toleration of masonic sects; and all measures contravening the national and state constitutions. 2. All laws and measures passed in contravention of these constitutions are declared null and void. 3. The people respectfully call on President Santa Anna to uphold constitutional safeguards, he being the only existing authority able to do it. 4. The people declare that the deputies who passed those laws and decrees, together with the functionaries that have obstinately attempted to carry them out, no longer meriting public confidence, must leave their positions and remain passive till the nation represented anew shall be reorganized according to the constitution and in a manner conducive to her happiness. 5. President Santa Anna is assured of the aid of the military force stationed at Cuernavaca in carrying out those purposes. The resolutions thus adopted were forwarded to Santa Anna May 25th. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., ix. 54-6; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 198; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 192.
57. The apparent head man of the plot was General Ángel Perez Palacios; but the real leaders were José María Tornel, constituted as the executive sword, and Licenciado Manuel Diez Bonilla, the directing brain, both representing the reactionary party. Santa Anna was to be the scarecrow to the enemy when the case required it. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. cclxvii.
58. In San Luis Potosí, Gen. Moctezuma had to submit to the forces of Cortazar and Valencia. Generals Cortazar and Barragan subdued Jalisco and neighboring states. Santa Anna himself defeated the governor of Zacatecas. Cárlos García, at Guadalupe, and his soldiers committed the most scandalous robberies. Santa Anna seized the products of the mines of El Fresnillo, as well as the funds of the state. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. cclxxviii. Further and full details of these disturbances, which preceded the establishment of centralism, may be found in Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., viii. 283669, passim, ix. 1-176, x. 32-63, 76-9, 111-25; Id., Gabinete Mex., i. 103; Id., Hist. Iturbide, 211; La Sombra de Moctheuzoma, nos 1-12; Jal., Doc. Ofic., 1-11; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 202-3, 214-16, 258-61; Alaman, Hist. Méj., v. 863-5; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 224-6; Zac., Diario Exacto, 1-8; Dur., Gac. Sup. Gob., 792, 794; Tab., Pronunc., in Pinart Coll., no. 310; Amigo del Pueblo, 1845, 68; El Tiempo, 1834, July 5 to Oct. 26, passim; La Oposicion, 1834, Sept. 10 to Dec. 16, passim; 1835, Jan. 8, Feb. 10, June 19; Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. cclxix., cclxxvi-viii; El Iris de Chiapas, 1834, Nov. 24; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. 691-4; Carriedo, Est. Hist., ii. 41, 44. Those who took part in those revolts were pardoned. Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 196-7, 545.
59. This man became a mere tool, countersigning decrees to establish measures diametrically opposed to those he had authorized six months previously. Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 192.
60. During the rest of Santa Anna's rule, several changes were made in the cabinet, especially in the treasury department. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 536– 7, 611, 619; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1032-3.
61. They adopted, as a necessity, the preservation of constitutional forms, though reforming the constitution without going through the dilatory processes prescribed by it. Santa Anna took them into his counsel, not because he either believed or loved them, but from vanity and ostentation. Tornel and Bonilla no longer held the same important position as at first. They were now mere 'bullangueros.' Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. cclxviii.
62. The bishop of Puebla had been banished in April; and other prelates were fugitives or concealed in order to escape persecution. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 101, 277-8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 192; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 192; El Indicador, iii. 273-81; El Tiempo, 1834, July 26.
63. Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 165. The governors were requested to do their best to reunite the legislative authority of the union. Arrillaga, Recop., 1834, 266-7, 272-4, 512-15, 537-43.
64. A party in Chiapas attempted secession from Mexico to unite her fate with Guatemala. Álvarez, proclaiming disobedience to the dictator, helped to support the anarchical factions.
65. Jan. 4, 1835. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., x. 3, 4; Mex., Col. Ley. Fund., 166.
66. Eight whole months, from May till December, had been employed in removing moving, appointing, and promoting officers and officials, and in annulling acts, and wrangling with the military and priestly oligarchy. Mora, Obras Sueltas, i. p. cclxxii.
67. The 'ley del caso' of June 23, 1833, was annulled. An amnesty was later proclaimed to include all political offenders. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., ix. 104, x. 9-11; Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 68-70, 152-3, 156-8, 171-2, 197; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 43-4, 52; Mex., Col. Ley. y Dec., 1841, 12.
68. Jan. 27th. At the same time he was declared a 'benemérito de la patria.' Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 37, 197, 229.
69. Barragan received 13 votes out of 15. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 15-16. The ministers in his administration were: of relations, José María Gutierrez Estrada, to June 1st, and Manuel Diez de Bonilla, from July 9 to October 28; of justice, Agustin Torres, to March 31, and José Justo Corro from May 18 to Feb. 27, 1830; of the treasury, José Mariano Blasco, to Aug. 28; in this department several changes were made till it went into Mangino's charge in Feb. 1836; of war, José María Tornel, from Jan. 28, 1835, to Feb. 27, 1836. Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1870, 1033.
70. He was one of the officers that supported Iturbide's defection, and served in the trigarante army till the attempt at erecting a throne for that chief, which he strongly opposed, for which he was arrested and kept in confinement till the republic was proclaimed.
71. Congress on the 5th of May had declared itself invested with powers to reform the constitution of 1824.
72. State organization was to cease, and departments were to be established with departmental juntas. The governors were to continue in power even after their terms expired, but subject to the national executive; the legislatures were to cease exercising legislative powers, but before dissolving--such as were in recess being ordered to meet — were to choose a 'junta departamental' consisting of five persons selected from their own number to act as a governor's council. Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 75-8; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 201-6.
73. The national religion is to be the Roman catholic, and none other tolerated. The government system to be popular, representative, republican. The supreme national authority is to continue divided into three branches, namely, legislative, executive, and judicial; the legislative consisting of two houses, the senate and chamber of deputies; the executive to be held by a president for a term of years and chosen indirectly by the people; the judiciary to be exercised by a supreme court and lower courts. The national territory is to be divided into departıments ruled by governors and departmental juntas. Méx., Bases y Ley. Constituc., 3-7.
74. Barragan's administration, in order to attach popularity to past acts, promoted, in accord with the clergy, those manifestations of popular preference, Rivera, Gob. de Méx., ii. 200.
75. This law was published the same day. Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 166-70; Arrillaga, Recop., 1835, 649-59.
76. Law 1st prescribes the rights and duties of Mexicans and other inhabitants of the republic. Every citizen having $100 a year income, procceding from property or industry, and not disqualified by crime or other cause, had the franchise. 2d, Organizes a fourth power entitled 'supremo poder conservador,' composed of five members, each of whom at the time of election must be 40 years old and have $3,000 a year; they were renewable, one every two years. The object of this fourth power was to maintain the equilibrium between the other powers; to see to the strict observance of the laws, and to make known the national will on extraordinary occasions. 3d, Establishes the legislative branch in two chambers, namely, that of the senate and that of the deputies; the former with 24 members, eight of them renewable every two years. Each senator must have an income of $2,500 a year at the time of his election. The manner of choosing the senators was as follows: the house of deputies, the government in council of ministers, and the supreme court of justice each selected a number of persons equal to that of the senators to be chosen, from which lists the departmental assemblies made the choice of senators. The lower house, of popular election, consisted of one deputy for every 150,000 inhabitants and every fraction of 80,000. The deputy must have at least $1,500 a year. No person having jurisdiction, civil, judicial, ecclesiastical, or military, could be a deputy. 4th, Organizes the executive, vesting it.in a president to hold his office for eight years, with the privilege of reëlection; he was chosen as follows: the president in council of ministers, the senate and supreme court were each to name a 'terna' froım which the deputies had to nominate three candidates, one of whom was to be chosen president by the departmental assemblies. With the president was associated a council of 13 members, two of whom must be ecclesiastics and two military. The councillors were selected by the deputies from a list formed by the executive out of another made by the senate. The president was required to have an incone of $4,000 a year, and had the exclusive right of appointing his ministers. 5th, Establishes the judiciary, namely, one supreme court of eleven justices and an attorney general chosen in the same manner as the executive, one of its branches being the supreme court martial; superior courts; auditing tribunals; and courts of the first instance in the departments. 6th, Treats of the division of the territory and interior government. The state organization is done away with, and the country divided into departments, each of them having an asamblea. The appointment of governor was to be made from the 'terna' proposed by each asamblea departamental. At the head town of each district was to reside a prefecto. Ayuntamientos popularly chosen were to exist at the departmental capitals, and such other towns as had a certain population. The rest were to have 'jueces de paz.' 7th, Fixes the mode of repealing or amending constitutional laws.

    A separate law of the same date makes of each of the former states a department, with the following changes: The state of Coahuila and Texas was made into two departments. New Mexico was constituted into a department. The two Californias were formed into one. Colima was annexed to can, and Tlascala to the department of Mexico, whose capital was to be the city of this name. Méx., Col. Ley. Fund., 171-218; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., xi. 59-63; Arrillaga, Recop., 1836, July-Dec., 310-78. Aguascalientes, which since 1835 had ben detached from Zacatecas and made a national territory, had been on the 29th of Nov. 1836, made a department. Id., 1835, 188, 224-5; Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, MS., x. 67-8; Méx., Mem. Hacienda, 1837, 6; Aguascalientes, Acta, 1-50; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, iii. 300-7. Congress on the 20th of March, 1837, passed a law for the government of the departments. Méx., Decreto, 1-26; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., iii. 323-38.

77. Bustamante gives other versions as to the real object of that expedition, namely, to seize a conducta of silver at Tampico, and to kidnap Santa Anna at Manga de Clavo. Voz de la Patria, MS., x. 156-60; Id., Gabinete Mex., ii. 32-3; Tornel, Tejas, etc., 63-4; Rangel, Defensa, 5; Young's Hist. Mex., 252; Crockett, Life of, 381-3; Niles' Reg., xlix. 338-9, 364-5.

    The authorities mentioned in the following list have been consulted in the preparation of the fourth, fifth, and sixth chapters preceding: Méx., Col. Leyes Fund., 164-70; Id., Col. Leyes, 1829-30, 1-15, 46-55, 86-95, 139, 151-60, 173-8, 190-200; Id., Legisl. Mej., 376-7; Id., Col. Leyes y Dec., 1841, 12; Córtes, Diario Sen., i. 91, 144; Id., Diario Ofic., iii. 105; Id., Diario Ses., 1835-6, i. 16; Méx., Expos. Guerra y Mar., 1832, 1-21; Id., Mem. Guerra, 1830, 2; 1831, Doc. no. 1, 12-16; 1834, 17-18; 1835, 7, 12, annexes 7-8; Id., Mem. Estado, 1835, 1-80, annexes 1-12; Id., Mem. Hac., 1831, 113-15, anexes A. to E.; 1833, 2; 1837, 6; 1870, 101, 122, 1028-33; Id., Mem. Justic., 1834, 26-7, 67; Id., Mem. Relac., 1830, 1-46; 1331, 1-53, annexes 1-10; 1832, 2-35, annex 1; 1833, 1-20; 1835, 1-50, annexes, pp. 1-33; Rivera, Hist. Jalapa, ii.-ii., passim; Id., Gob. de Méx., ii. 126, 136, 144-201, 566-82; Id., Méx. Pint., i. 12-14; Suarez y Navarro, Hist. Méx., passim; Id., Informe Camb. Polit., 7-8; Tornel, Tejas y los E. U., 57, 63-4; Id., Carta, 3; Id., Nac. Mej., 165-9, 295; Id., Manif.; Id., Breve Reseña Hist., 43-5; Alaman, Hist. Méj., ii. 541-9, iv. 237, v. 576-9, 843-69, ap. 84-8; Id., Defensa, pp. iii.-xi., 1-126; Id., Proceso, 1-255; Id., Apuntes Biog., 23-38; Id., Notic. Biog. Necrol., 11-18; Zamacois, Hist. Méj., xi. passim, xii. 6-101, 258-9, 274-6, 295-6, 312-17, 231-7, 389-400; Dublan and Lozano, Leg. Mex., ii. passim, iii. 9-16, 30–1, 41-4, 51-9, 71-8, 91-2, 109-15, 193, 468, 665, iv. 421-2, 559; Bustamante, Hist. Iturbide, 211; Id., Hist. Santa Anna, 275; Id., MS., ii. 44; Id., Gab. Mex., i. 103, ii. 21, 32-3; Id., Med. Pacif., MS., ii. supl., 33-7; Id., Efemér., iii. 1-14; Id., Carta, 2-6; Id., Manif. Guadalup.; Id., Mem. Hist. Mex., MS., ii. 80-1; Id., Campaña sin Gloria, 4-6, 21, 38-42; Id., La Monarq. en Méx., MS., 1-37; Id., Voz de la Patria, i.-v. passim; Id., MS., vi.-x. passim, xiii. 4; La Ilustrac. Mex., ii. 375-7, iv. 185-212; Clar. al Congr., 1-8; Newell's Revol. Texas, 10-11; Dominguez, Informe, 1-12; San Miguel, Man. Prov., 2431; El Constit., April 5, 23, etc., 1844; Bonilla, El Ciud., 1 1.; Zelaeta, Manif., 5-10; Apelac. al Sent. Com., 1-12; Piña, Pascuas, 1-8; Buenrostro, Manif.; Zerecero, Rev. Mex., 74-6, 274–5; Revue des Deux Mondes, Aug. 15, 1853, 311-16; Gilliam's Travels, 219-20; Domenech, Hist. Mex., ii. 91-134; Id., Miss. Adv., 359-63; Holley's Texas, 321-32; Cambas, Atlas, 19; Valencia, Manif., 3-8; Registro Yuc., ii. 131-42; Hoy se echan los Cim.; Monit. Constit. Ind., May 28, 1845, 3; Wilson's Mex. and Its Relig., 77-8, 274–9; Id., Mex., Its Peasants, 115; Arista, Reseña Revol., 9-162, ap. nos 4, 18-19, 21, 31, 35; Dos Años en Méx., 1-172; La Sombra de Moct., nos 4-11; Payne's Hist. Europ. Colonies, 309-10; Patton's Hist. U. S., 694; Facio, Respuesta Cargos; Id Esposic., 1-21; Dicc. Univ. Hist. Geog., i. 79, 749-51, iii. 749-63, viii. 544-8, x. 318, 1035-76; Savage, Doc., ii. 185-91; Miscel. ó sea Col., no. 2, 5-19; Vizcaino, Doc., 4 l1.; Flint's Geog., ii. 131; Aguascal., Acta; Thompson's Recoll. Mex., 61-3, 178-9; Montesdeoca, Discurso, 1-12; Democr. Rev., ii. 108-123; Nouv. Ann. Voy., xlii. 293-4, lxiv. 44-68, lxxx. 48-50; Azpiroz, Cód. Extr., 133-49; Crockett, Life of, 381-3; Müller, Reisen in Mex., iii. 313-19; Cumplido, Album Mex., ii. 94; El Veracruzano Libre, June 8, 1828, 3-4; Bermudez, Verd. Causa, 19-31; Egloffstein, Geol. Mex., 33; La Verdad Desnuda, 1-6; Thomson's Wars U. S., 541-656; Tudor's Tour, ii. 251-3, 322; Rocafuerte, Un Regalo; Id., Contest., 1-12; Id., Consid. Gen.; La Oposicion, 1834-5, passim; Ibarra, Observ. Proy. Reforma, 1-20; Baqueiro, Ensayo Yuc., i. 14-16; El Universal, March 15, 1850, 4; Mendoza y Sanchez, Cat. Mus. Mex., 27; Ramsey's Other Side, 14; Emigrado Observ., 1829, 37, 78-9, 159-60; Barbachano, Mem. Camp., 21-59; Drake's Certif. Sp. Grants; Malte-Brun, Précis Géog. Univ., vi. 457-60; Payno, Cuentas, Gastos, etc., 600; Suarez, Informe, 7, 36; Texas, Coll. Doc., nos 60, 63-4; Id., MS., no. 38, pp. 1-2, in Pinart Coll.; Larenaudière, Mex. and Guat., 213-31; Frost's Pict. Hist. Mex., 166-73; Foote's Texas, i. 309-14, ii. 50-7; Viva la Fed.; Lempriere's Notes in Mex., 427-8; Cám. de Diput., Manif., 1831-2, 1-30; Treviño, Satisf.; Mosaico Mex., i. 229, 292, ii. 197, 269, 344, 462; Salv., Diario Ofic., Jan. 26, 1875, 6; Gutierrez, Contest. al Libelo, 14-16; Quintana Roo, Defensa; Maclure's Opinions, i. 351-60, 373, 393-4; Chevalier, Le Mex., 389-400; Garcia Cubas, Escritos Div., 142-62, 203-8; Arroniz, Hist. y Crón., 268-74; Chiapas, Dictámen, 1833, 1-18; Zaremba, Merchant, 14; Escalera y Llana, Mex. Hist. 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Estado; Mexicano Sonámb.; Papeles Sueltos, nos 16, 18, 20-1; Papeles Varios, xiv. pt 2, xvi. pts 2, 3, xxvi. pt 3, xxviii. pts 615, 20-4, ххіх. pts 15-26, 28-9, ххх. pts 3-14, хxxi. pts 27, 28, 32-3, 39, xxxiv. pts 15, 17-27, 29-31, 33-51, 55-7, xli. pt 19, xlii. pt 6, xliii. pt 10, xlviii. pts 4, 4, 7, 8, xlix. pts 1, 2, 4-6, 8, lii. pt 3, lv. pt 8, lxxi. pt 2, 4, 5, 9, 11-12, 14-17, 19, lxxii. pts 2, 6, 9, lxxiii. pts 1, 2, 6, 9, 13-14, lxxiv. pts 1, 3-6, 8-11, 15, lxxvi. pt 14, lxxvii. pts 2, 6, lxxxvii. pt 13, xcix. pt 9, exi. pt 2, cxxi. pt 1, cxxii. pt 2, cxxvii. pts 1-34, cxli. pt 4, cxlii. pts 9, 10, 12, 13, 16, 18-19, cxliii, pts 1-3, 5, 8-10, 13, 17, 20-213, cxlv. pts 4, 10, 12, 14, 1617, cxlvi. pts 1-4, 8-10, 12-16, cxlix. pts 8, 10, 14, cl. pts 2, 22, 34, cli. pt 8, clv. pt 5, clvi. pts S, 9, 12, 14, clxiii. pt 3, clxv. pts 9, 12, clxvii. pts 10-12, clxviii. pts 5, 9, 10, 12, clxix. pts 7, 8, 10-11, clxxi. pts 23-8, 17, clxxii. pt 2, clxxiii. pt 4, clxxiv. pts 1, 4, clxxvi. pt 1, clxxvii. pt 2, clxxx. pt 1, clxxxi. pts 1, 2, clxxxiii. pt 1, clxxxvi. pt 2, cxevi. pt 2, cxcviii. pt 2, ccxi. pt 5, ccxiii. pt 3, ccxxiii. pts 1-14, ccxxv. pt 3, ccxxvii. pt 3; Arrillaga, Recop., 1829-36, passim; 1838, 94-9, 404-5; 1839, 271; 1849-50, 42-3, 74-6, 190; Fossey, Mex., 154-9, 283-4, 302-11, 376-7; Ramos Arizpe, Caricatura, 1-4; Young's Hist. Mex., 229-52, 307; Rivero, Mex. en 1842, 22-4; Filisola, Mem. Hist. Guerra Tej., i. 148, 180, 304-15, 325-32, 382-4, 409-22, ii. 9, 30-8; Gonzalez, Hist. Aguascal., 106-16; N. Am. Rev., xxxi. 110-14, 148–50, xxxii. 217-43, xliii. 232; Arrangoiz, Méj., ii. 191-239; Disposic. Varias, ii. fol. 55-6, 58, 62, 65, 68-71, 74, 79, 80, 82-8, iii. fol. 51, 145, 149, 151, v. fol. 1-3, 5-8, 12, 18, 21, 23-5, 27-30, 32-3, 70-3; Mora, Rev. Mex., 7-9, 289-344, 371-4; Id., Obras Sueltas, i. pp. xix.-ccxcii., ii. 348-62, 426-9, 476-99; N. Esp., Breve Res., ii. 299-300; Zuñiga y Ontiveros, Calend., 118-19; Humboldt, Essai Polit., i. 266-9; Corr. Merc. Esp. Ind., iv. 613–15; Regist. Yucateco, i. 81-96; Órdenes de la Corona, MS., iii fol. 118, 134-5, v. fol. 118, 134-5; Carrillo, Estudios, 8; Id., El Origen de Belice; Bolet. Geog. Estad. Mex., ii. 17; Span. Emp. in Am., 130-1; Las Dos Repúblicas, Feb. 8, 1879, 2; Castillo, Dicc. Hist., 16-18, 62, 100-7, 206-30; Arévalo, Compend., 245-6; Azauza, MS., 78-84; Lacunza, Discursos Hist., xxxv. 509; Juarros, Compend., 269; Yuc., Oprimido; Yuc., Mem. Estad., 1-2: Id., Estadist., 1853, 287-93; Ayala y Aguilar, Primera Manif., 1-112; Dunn's Guat., 30-7; Stephens' Yuc., i. 91; Mill's Mex., 159-62.