Ned Calmer
What solution of it and if so, how and why?
Ambassador Leo Mates
I believe that the question of Trieste is a question which can be solved. Of course, speaking of Trieste, one is reminded of the various occasions in which the Trieste question has become an explosive matter and has been a cause for considerable excitement. But I believe that through diplomatic contacts it is possible to bring about a solution acceptable to both sides, and I can assure you that my government will do its utmost to bring about such a solution. We believe that a solution of this problem would not only benefit my country and Italy, but would be of considerable importance to the whole of Europe and the world.
Calmer
What about your relations with Italy? Are they still pretty tense, as they were at the time of the trouble?
Mates
The relations with Italy—of Yugoslavia with Italy have considerably improved since last fall. As it is well known, the troops that were at the border on both sides (illegible text) have been withdrawn, the difficulties in trade which occurred on that occasion have been removed, and trade is going on, and I can say that it is a rather important trade in its size and by the commodities exchanged and of considerable interest to both partners, so that the relations are now normal relations. There are no particular tensions at the border that would drastify whatever concern, but of course the question of Trieste is one that is pending and, I said, is one which can be solved, and I believe that efforts which are being made may bring about.
Larry Lesueur
Mr. Mates, may I ask you a specific question. How do envisage a solution to the vital problem of Trieste?
Mates
Well, as I said, the Trieste question is a matter of serious consideration by governments, and I don't believe that at this stage I would doing right if I would go into specific--possibly specific solutions. There is of course not only one way in which it could be solved, and I think it might be perhaps best if I refrain my remarks from going into detail.
Calmer
Aren't there some talks going on in London at the moment?
Mates
Well you have mentioned something which I read in the papers here. I could neither confirm nor deny it.
Lesueur
Well, these secret talks which were reported in London out of Belgrade say that the Western powers, that is, Britain, France, and Yugoslavia, are now in secret conference, that they envisage bringing Italy into these conferences later. Now do you know what they are discussing?
Mates
Well what was reported in the press was, I think, it was a slip on your side, it was not Britain and France, it was Britain and the United States and Yugoslavia. That's what I read in the papers, and I said I would neither confirm nor deny it. Now if such negotiations are taking place I suppose the only object would be to explore the possibilities of a compromise solution between Italy and Yugoslavia.
Lesueur
Well, while we're on the subject, Mr. Mates, the last thing that Mr. Molotov suggested at this four power conference in Berlin was that the situation or the case of Trieste be re-discussed in the Security Council of the United Nations. Now what has happened to the case of Trieste there?
Mates
Well, the national government, as a matter of fact, last fall in October has brought the question of Trieste to the Security Council, and the formal proposal by the Russians was that the Security Council appoint a government of Trieste. In the Security Council the debate on this question was postponed. It was postponed first two or three times for a certain period of time and finally it was postponed pending the result of efforts being made to solve the Trieste question.
Lesueur
And these discussions are the--
Mates
Well these efforts are being made. In what form I said I could neither confirm nor deny.
Lesueur
But to move further east, Mr. Ambassador, your country has recognized Communist China. Now do you envisage Communist China splitting off with Moscow as you have?
Mates
Our recognition of China was a declaratory act, I mean, a unilateral act on our side, and it was prompted by the belief that the present regime in Peking is the government on the continental mainland of China, a consideration similar to the considerations of several other governments. We do not have and nor did we have any relations whatsoever with the government in Peking, I mean nor correspondence nor ambassadors exchanged. Now to the future attitudes of China in their relationship with Russia, I think it is rather safe to say that China is not very likely to become or to remain a satellite of Moscow. I suppose that China, being a great nation, will probably strive to find her place in the world, and this, I think, in association with the present Russia would be impossible. I think it would be very difficult to imagine that the present regime in Russia could maintain so close relations on the basis of equality, and that's what I think the Chinese will ultimately seek. Now in what way this cause of friction in general will develop into relations between the two countries, it is very difficult to predict. That the friction there is beneath the surface, and will increase in the future, I am firmly convinced.
Calmer
Mr. Ambassador, in Europe, do you see any signs in the satellite powers that surround Russia any signs of their breaking away a little or perhaps taking more the independent stand of Yugoslavia, while at the same time remaining communist?
Mates
Well, of course, the position of the Russian satellites in Europe is considerably different from the position of China not only because of the size of the nations but the whole background and many other considerations and geographical positions (illegible text). I don't believe that we should expect any dramatic changes in the next stage or the very next future, but it would be of course extremely depressing if we would come to the conclusion, and I cannot come to it. that the present state of affairs has to be perpetual. I think that the whole experience of history gives sufficient proof that the such kind of relations as the Russians have imposed on the countries which are under their domination will not last.
Lesueur
Mister--
Calmer
There is some hope?
Mates
Well, of course, I think, on my side, I think I would say more than hope, it is a conviction.
Lesueur
Mr. Ambassador, may I ask you, as a final question, has there been any government inspired anti-Americanism in Yugoslavia, in other words, what do Yugoslavian people actually think about Americans right now?
Mates
Well, I'd like to point out first (illegible text) I think you'll believe me if I simply deny it and say there is nothing like that, but I'd rather stick to the later part of it and say that you can hardly open the paper in Yugoslavia, you can hardly hear the statement by a government representative or a political figure who would not mention in his statement, as our president in his message to our national assembly after the elections date, in expressing our firm belief in the increase in the friendly relations with the United States, and the recognition of the assistance Yugoslavia has received in economic and finance and military fields from the United States, and is still receiving.
Lesueur
Thank you very much, Mr. Ambassador, it was a privilege to have you here tonight.
Mates
Thank you, thank you. It was a pleasure for my side.
Frank Knight
The opinions that you have heard our speakers express tonight have been entirely their own. The editorial board for this edition of the Longines Chronoscope was Larry Lesueur and Ned Calmer. Our distinguished guest was His Excellency Leo Mates, permanent representative to the United Nations for Yugoslavia.
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