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to be used without reference to right even after the era of freedom is reached. At this point, in so far as the state emerges and transfers coercion from private to social control, it does so by the only adequate means, superior coercion. The motive is simply the redistribution of this control among social classes, with the idea that it shall be used rightly instead of wrongly. In so far as coercion is used, whether by private parties or by the state, the end is attained, not by knowledge nor skill nor per- suasion. These are successful only as they observe and "obey" the forces of nature and the passions of men. Coercion over- rides these passions. It is obedient, therefore, only to the desires of the agent. What he wants he commands and gets. Coer- cion is, therefore, solely an ethical problem. It is the problem of right and wrong choices. It is settled by opinion, prejudice, and preference, not by knowledge, skill, and tact.
It is for this reason that the ethical or political problem takes precedence of the technical and persuasive problems, both in the management of subordinate institutions, and in the exer- cise of public coercion. Men are, first of all, creatures of desire. The individual may choose to use his control of his fellows in industry, in the family, in the church, for self-aggran- dizement, for political power, for social promotion, for philan- thropy, education, or religion. The partisan may aim at class tyranny or the honor and welfare of his country. Having made this primal decision, the execution is a matter of business and persuasion, of technology and tact. So with the state. Its strictly political problems are solely in the realm of ethics. Its constituted social classes attend first of all to the distribution of social privileges and burdens, through the exercise of coercion. As long as these are open questions they pay little attention to the administrative or technical problems of government.
The peculiar political problems which evoke class contests within the state are concerned with beliefs, enjoyments, and incomes. The most inveterate and deep-seated of class prefer- ences is that which is based on religious beliefs. Dissenting sects demand equal privileges with members of the established church in holding property, participation in elections and public
