SEMIPELAGIANISM
703
SEMIPELAGIANISM
Clerje (Treves, 1884) ; Siebengartner, Schriften und Einrichl-
ungen zur Bildung der Geistlichen (Freiburg, 1902); Michel-
ETTi, De Regimine Ecclesiastico, I (1909), ii; Idem, De Jnsti-
tutione ClericoTum in Sacris Seminariis (s. d.); Idem, De
Ratione Studiorum in Sacris Seminariis; Idem, De Ratione
Pietatis in Sacris Seminariis; Idem, De Ratione Disciplinoe in
Sacris Seminariis; Idem, De Rectore Seminariorum clericalium
Idem, De Moderatore Spiritus Seminariorum clericalium; Brusch-
ELLi, Su lo Stato dei Seminari delle minori diocesi d' Italia (Rome,
1905) ; Falcone, Per la Riforma dei Seminari in Italia (Rome,
1906) ; Icard, Traditions de la Compagnie de St-Sulpice pour la
Direction des Grands Seminaires (2nd ed., Paris, 1891); Hogan,
Clerical Studies (Boston, 1898); Smith, Our Seminaries (New
York, 1896), new ed. under the title The Training of a Priest
(1908).
II. Hbtorj' of ecclesiastical education: — Thoma.ssin, Andenne et Nouvelle Discipline de VEglise (Bar-le-Duc, 1864); Theiner, Histoire des Institutions d'Educaiimi Ecclesiastique (Paris, 1841); Marcault, Essai Historique sur I'Education des Clercs (Paris 1904); McCaffrey, History of the Catholic Church in the Nine- teenth Century, II (Dublin and St. Louis, 1909), ii; see also Lives cf St. Charles Borromeo, St. Bartholomew of the Martyrs, St. Vin- cent de Paul, Father Olier, St. John Baptist de Rossi Snead-Cox, Life of Cardinal Vaughan (London, 1910), I, iv, II, ii.
III. General laws of the Church on seminaries; (a) Sources: — Decret. Cone. Trid., Sess. XXIII, cap. xviii, De Ref.; Ada Leonis XIII (Rome, 1905); Acta Pii X in Acta S. Sedis and since 1909 in Acta apud Apost. Sedem.
(b) Treatises: — Wernz, Jus Decretalium, vol. Ill, tit. Ill, 5; Bargiluat, Pralectiones Juris Canonici (2oth ed., Paris, 1909), vol. I, tract. Ill, cap. i; Idem, De Institutione clericorum (Paris 1908) ; Gignac, Compendium Juris Canonici (Quebec, 1903), vol. II, tit. V, c. ii.
IV. American seminaries: — Decreta Concilii Bait., II, tit. Ill, c. vii; Decreta Concilii Bait., Ill, tit. V; Shea, History of the Catholic Church in the United States, ll-lV; St. Mary's Seminary, Memorial Volume (Baltimore, 1891) ; Historical Sketch of the Phila- delphia Theological Seminary (Philadelphia, 1891); Howlett, St. Thomas's Seminary (Bardstown) (St. Louis, 1906); Souvenir of the Golden Jubilee of St. Francis's Seminary (Milwaukee, 1906); Souvenir of the Blessing of the Corner Stone of St. Joseph's Seminary (New York, 1891); A History of the Mountain (Mount St. Mary's 1911) ; Brann, History of the American College, Rome (New York, 1910); Cataio(7ues of various seminaries; American Ecclesiastical Review, where may be found the Acts of the Holy See, historical sketches of some seminaries, and articles on intellectual and moral training of seminarians; Proceedings of the Cath. Educ. Associa- tion (Columbus, 1904 — ); see American College, The, at Lodvain; American College, The, in Rome; and other special articles.
A. Vl^BAN.
Semipelagianism, a doctrine of grace advocated by monk.s of iSouthcrn Gaul at and around Marseilles after 428. It aimed at a compromise between the two extremes of Pelagianism and Augustinism, and was condemned as heresy at the (Ecumenical Council of Orange in 529 after disputes extending over more than a hundred years. The name Semipelagian- ism. was unknown both in Christian antiquity and throughout the Middle Ages; during these periods it was customary to designate the views of the Massi- lians simply as the "rehcs of the Pelagians" (re- liquice Pelagianorum), an expression found already in St. Augustine (Ep. ccxxv, n. 7, in P. L., XXXIII, 1006). The most recent investigations show that the word was coined between 1590 and IGOO in connexion with Molina's doctrine of grace, in which the oppo- nents of this theologian believed they saw a close resemblance to the heresy of the monks of Marseilles (cf. "Revue des sciences philos. et th^ol.", 1907, pp. 506 sqq.). After this confusion had been ex-posed as an error, the term Semipelagianism was retained in learned circles as an apt designation for the early heresy only.
I. Origin of Semipelagianism (a.d. 420-30). — In opposition to Pelagianism, it was maintained at the General Council of Carthage in 418 as aprinciple of faith that Christian grace is absolutely necessary for the correct knowledge and performance of good, and that perfect sinlessness is impossible on earth even for the justified. Since these declarations coin- cided only with a portion of St. Augustine's doctrine of grace, the anti- Pelagians could without reproof continue their opposition to other points in the teaching of the African Doctor. This opposition Augustine was soon to encounter in his immediate neighbourhood. In 420 he found himself compelled to direct to a certain Vitalis of Carthage, who was an opponent of Pelagius and recognized the Synod of
Carthage (418), paternal instructions concerning
the necessity of grace at the very beginning of the
assent of the will in faith and concerning the absolute
gratuity of grace (Ep. ccxvii in P. L., XXXIII, 978
sqq.). As is clear from the tenor of this writing,
Vitalis was of the opinion that the beginning of faith
springs from the free will of nature, and that the
essence of "prevenient grace" consists in the preach-
ing of the Christian doctrine of salvation. On the
basis of such faith man, as Vitalis held, attains justi-
fication before God. This view was entirely "Semi-
pelagian". To controvert it, Augustine pointed
out that the grace preceding faith mu.st be an interior
enlightenment and strengthening, and that the
preaching of the Word of God could not, una.ssisted,
accomplish this; consequently the implanting of
grace in the soul by God is necessary as a preliminary
condition for the production of real'faith, since other-
wise the customary prayer of the Church for the
grace of conversion for unbelievers would be super-
fluous. Augu.stine also introduces his view of an
absolute predestination of the elect, without however
especially emphasizing it, by remarking: "Cum tam
multi salvi non fiant, non quia ipsi, sed quia Deus
nonvult" (Since so many are not saved, not because
they themselves do not will it, but because God does
not will it). Vitalis seems to have acquiesced and
to have disclaimed the "error of Pelagius".
The second dispute, which broke out within the walls of the African monastery of Hadrumetum in 424, was not so easily settled. A monk named Florus, a friend of St. Augustine, had while on a journey sent to his fellow-monks a copy of the long epistle which Augu.stine had addres.sed in 418 to the Roman priest, afterwards Pope Sixtus III (Ep. cxciv in P. L., XXXIII, 874 sqq.). In this epistle all merit before the reception of grace was denied, faith represented as the most gratuitous gift of God, and absolute predestination to grace and glory defended. Aroused to great anger by this letter, "more than five monks" inflamed their companions to such an extent that the tumult seemed destined to overwhelm the good abbot, Valentinus. On his return, Florus was loaded with the most violent reproaches for sending such a pre- sent, and he and the majority, who were followers of Augustine, were accused of maintaining that free will was no longer of any account, that on the last day all would not be judged according to their works, and that monastic discipline and correction {correp- tio) were valueless. Informed of the outbreak of this unrest by two young monks, Cresconius and Felix, Augustine sent to the monastery in 426 or 427 the work, "Dc gratia et libero arbitrio" (P. L., XLIV, 881 sqq.), in which he maintains that the efficacy of Divine grace impairs neither the freedom of the human will nor the meritoriousness of good works, but that it is grace which causes the merits in us. The work exercised a calming influence on the heated spirits of Hadrumetum.
Apprised of the good effect of this book by Florus himself, Augustine dedicated to the abbot and his monks a second doctrinal writing, "De correptione et gratia" (P. L., XLIV, 915 sqq.), in which he explains in the clearest fashion his views upon grace. He informed the monks that correction is by no means superfluous, since it is the means by which God works. As for the freedom to sin, it is in reality not freedom, but slavery of the will. True freedom of the will is that effected by grace, since it makes the will free from the slavery of sin. Final perseverance is likewise a gift of grace, inasmuch as he to whom God has granted it will infallibly persevere. Thus, the num- ber of those predestined to heaven from eternity is so determined and certain, that "no one is added or subtracted". This second work seems to have been also received approvingly by the mollified monks; not so by subsequent ages, since this ominous book,
