choirs). He must avoid theatres and taverns, and all public resorts where he is likely to hear or see anything vulgar or indecent (Frag. p. 304 B, C; Ep. 49, p. 430 B). Not only priests, but the sons of priests, are forbidden to attend the "venationes" or spectacles of wild beasts (Frag. p. 304 D). The true priest is to be considered superior, at least in the temple, to any public official, and to be honoured as the intercessor between gods and men (Frag. p. 296 B, C; cf. the edict to the Byzantine against applauding himself in the Tychaeum, Ep. 64). He, however, who does not obey the rules laid down for his conduct, is to be removed from his office (Frag. p. 297; Ep. 49, p. 430 B); and we possess an edict of Julian's suspending a priest for three months for injury done to a brother priest (Ep. 62).
Further, "he intended," says Gregory Or. iv. III, p. 138), "to establish schools in all cities, and professorial chairs of different grades, and lectures on heathen doctrines both in their bearings on moral practice and in explanation of their abstruser mysteries." Of such lectures, no doubt, he wished his own orations on the Sun and the Mother of the Gods to be examples. Besides this imitation of Christian sermons and lectures, he desired to set up religious communities of men and women, vowed to chastity and meditation (ἁγνευτήριά τε καὶ παρθενεύματα καί φροντιστήρια cf. Soz. v. 16). These were institutions familiar to Oriental heathenism, but out of harmony with the old Greek spirit of which Julian professed himself so ardent an admirer. He was, indeed, unconsciously less a disciple of Socrates than of the Hindu philosophy, a champion of Asian mysticism against European freedom of thought.
Julian used not only his literary and personal influence and pontifical authority in favour of the worship of the gods, but also his imperial power. The temples where standing were reopened, or rebuilt at the expense of those who had. destroyed them, and received back their estates, which had been to some extent confiscated under Constantius (Amm. xxii. 4, 3, "pasti ex his quidam templorum spoliis"; Liban. Epitaph. p. 564, describes the general plan of restitution; cf. his Ep. 624, πᾶσι κηρύξας κομίζεσθαι τὰ αὑτῶν.). A friend of the gods was as a friend of the emperor's, their enemy became his (Liban. l.c. and more strongly p. 617). Yet direct persecution was forbidden and milder means of conversion practised (Ep. 7 to Artabius; Liban. 564). Julian even bore with some patience the public attacks of the blind and aged Maris, Arian bp. of Chalcedon, who called him an "impious atheist," while he was sacrificing in the Tychaeum of Constantinople. Julian replied only with a scoff at his infirmity: "Not even your Galilean God will heal you." Maris retorted, "I thank my God for my blindness which prevents me from seeing your apostasy," a rebuke which the emperor ignored (Soz. v. 4, where we must of course read τυχαίῳ for τειχίω cf. Jul. Ep. 64, Byzantinis). Not a few persons of position apostatized, among them Julian's maternal uncle Julianus, his former tutor Hecebolius, the officials Felix, Modestus, and Elpidius, and the former bp. of Ilium Novum, Pegasius, all of whom were rewarded by promotion. (Philost. vii. 10; Socr. iii. 13; Liban. pro Aristophane, pp. 435, 436, and Ep. 17; Greg. Naz. Or. iv. 62, p. 105; Jul. Ep. 78 ; cf. Sievers, Libanius, p. 105. On the readiness of many of these converts to return to the church cf. Asterius of Amasea, Hom. in Avaritiam, p. 227, and Hom. xix. in Psalm. v. p. 433, Migne.) But the number of these new converts was less than might perhaps have been expected from the divided state of the church and the low standard of court Christianity under Constantius. It was far less, no doubt, than Julian's sanguine expectations. Caesarius, as we have seen, stood firm, and so did three prominent officers in the army, destined to be his successors in the empire—Jovian, Valentinian, and Valens (Valentinian was banished, Soz. vi. 6 ; Philost. vii. 7 ; cf. Greg. Or. iv. 65, p. 106). The steadfastness of the court and the army was indeed sorely tried. The monogram of Christ was removed from the Labarum, and replaced by the old S.P.Q.R.; and heathen symbols again began to appear upon the coinage, and upon statues and pictures of the emperor, so that it was difficult to pay him respect without appearing to bow to an idol. (Greg. Or. iv. 80, 81, pp. 116, 117; Socr. vi. 17. Socrates probably somewhat exaggerates. The obscure letter of Julian to a painter, Ep. 65, appears to reprimand him for painting him without his customary images in his hands or by his side.) Julian even condescended to a trick to entrap a number of his soldiers, probably of the praetorian guard, by persuading them to offer incense when receiving a donative from his hands (Soz. v. 17; Greg. Or. iv. 83, 84, pp. 118, 119; cf. Rode, p. 62). Some of the soldiers, on discovering the snare from the jeers of their companions, protested loudly and threw down their money; and Julian, in consequence, dismissed all Christians from his bodyguard (Greg. l.c.; Socr. iii. 13). Many common soldiers were doubtless less firm, and conformed, at least outwardly, but the subsequent election of Jovian by the army of Persia looks as if their conviction was not deep. (Liban. ad Jul. cos. Jan. I. 363, p. 399; Greg. Or. iv. 64, 65, p. 106 ; St. Chrys. de Babyla contra Julianum, § 23, vol. ii. pp. 686, 687, ed. Gaume; cf. Sievers, Libanius, pp. 107–109). It was pretty well understood that no Christian official would be promoted to high civil functions, while converts like Felix and Elpidius were. Julian is reported to have stated in an edict that the Christian law forbade its subjects to wield the sword of justice, and therefore he could not commit the government of provinces to them. Such a sentiment would be characteristic, and this edict is probably an historical fact (Rufin. i. 32), but perhaps did not extend to persons already in office or in the army, unless they offered resistance to the course of events. Other measures were aimed at the clergy as a body, and intended to reduce the church generally to the position which it held before Constantine. The church suffered as much perhaps as private owners of property by the order to restore the temples and refund temple lands. The clergy and widows who had received grants from the municipal revenues were deprived of them and obliged to repay their previous receipts—an act of great in-
