burgh is evidence that he was already regarded as one of the leaders of the kirk. On the division of the kirk into resolutioners and protesters, he adhered to the resolutioners—that is, the more liberal and loyal party, who supported the proposal or resolution that those who had made defection from the covenanting cause should, on professing repentance, be admitted to serve in defence of the country against Cromwell. Of this party—which, though avowedly presbyterian, numbered many sympathisers with episcopacy—Sharp came to be regarded as the head.
In 1651 Sharp was seized by Cromwell's forces while attending a committee of the estates at Alyth, Forfarshire, on 28 Aug., and carried to London (Balfour, Annals, iv. 315). He remained a prisoner in the Tower until 10 April 1652, when he was admitted to bail on security not to go out of the city, nor beyond the late lines of communication, and to be of ‘good behaviour’ (Cal. State Papers, Dom. 1651–2, p. 213), and on 17 June he was permitted to return to Scotland on condition that he rendered himself to Major-general Deane (ib. p. 296). In the absence of Deane he, by another order of 1 July, delivered himself up to the governor of Edinburgh Castle (ib. p. 312). When he was set at full liberty is not stated, but in 1657 he was sent by the resolutioners to London to advocate their cause with Cromwell. Burnet affirms that the idea of sending him (or of choosing him) was suggested by the fact that ‘he had some acquaintance with the presbyterian ministers whom Cromwell was then courting much’ (Own Time, ed. 1838, p. 42). His mission was unsuccessful, but it is said he so impressed the Protector with his abilities that he remarked ‘that gentleman after the Scotch way ought to be called Sharp of that ilk’ (True and Impartial Account, p. 34).
When he began scheming for the Restoration in 1659, Monck bethought him of Sharp's political influence, and sent for him from Coldstream on his way south; Sharp immediately responded to the invitation, and on his arrival prepared the declaration in Monck's name which was read next day at the head of the army, and, being afterwards distributed throughout the country, caused more than half of Lambert's forces to desert to Monck. On parting with the English general, Sharp seems to have returned to Edinburgh to consult with the leaders of the kirk. To the rule of Cromwell neither party in the kirk had ever become reconciled. Charles II continued to be regarded throughout Scotland as the only rightful sovereign, and Cromwell was deemed but an English usurper. Monck was anxious to obtain the confidence of the kirk leaders, though he knew that they cherished aims which could never be realised. It was necessary to temporise; and that delicate and morally dubious work he committed to Sharp, who, it is plain, from the beginning was perfectly aware of the part he was expected to play. He was too able and acute to be gulled by Monck, too little of a bigot or visionary to cherish any real attachment to the covenant, and too ambitious to allow such an opportunity for advancement to pass unutilised. That Monck had made sure of his man is clear from a letter of Sir John Grenville to the lord chancellor, 4 May 1660, in which Grenville, on the recommendation of Monck, asks the lord chancellor to give Sharp credit ‘because he looks on him as a very honest man, and as one that may be very useful to his majesty several ways, both here and in Scotland, especially in moderating the affairs of the kirk and our church, being a person very moderate in his opinion, and who hath a very good reputation with the ministers of both kingdoms, who must have some countenance for reasons I shall acquaint you with at our meeting’ (Clarendon State Papers, iii. 741). Before the letter was written Sharp had been for some time in London, for in January 1660 he had been despatched thither with five ministers of Edinburgh to represent the views of the resolutioners. On 4 May he was sent by Monck to communicate directly with Charles at Breda, being further recommended through the Earl of Glencairn as a man entirely an episcopalian in principles and the fittest person whom he could trust to give him correct information regarding both church and state in Scotland.
According to Burnet, whose attitude is very hostile and depreciatory, Sharp ‘stuck neither at solemn protestation, both by word of mouth and letters, nor at appeals to God of his sincerity in acting for the presbytery, both in prayers and on other occasions, joining with these many dreadful imprecations on himself if he did prevaricate’ (Own Time, ed. 1838, p. 60). In order the better to mask his designs, and also to effect the king's purpose, Sharp induced the king to write confirming the ‘public resolutions,’ and also ‘presbyterian government as by law established.’ While the letter tended to allay for the time the special anxieties of the kirk, it was calculated indirectly to pave the way for the introduction of episcopacy, since by the confirmation of the ‘resolutions’ it bade fair to revive in an acute form the old
