and mp are concerned; and it may even be said to go counter to this tendency by reducing ng and né to nc, nz (ag. p1in6ir'i, pun ere; menzu, Ital. meééo; sponza, Ital. spugna, Ven. sppnéa). ilay, even in the passing of the sonant into the surd, the Neapolitan dialects would yield special and important contributions (nor is even the Sicilian limited to the case just specified), among which we will only mention the change of d between vowels into l in the last syllable of proparoxytones (e.g. dmmeta, Sicil. dmllu, umido), and in the formula dr (Sicil. and N eap. quatro, Ital. quadro, &c.). From these series of sonants changing into surds comes a peculiar feature of the southern dialects.-A pretty common characteristic is the regular progressive assimilation by which nd is reduced to nn, ng to nn, mb to mm, and even nv also to mm (nv, nb, mb, mm), e.g. Sicil. Einniri, Neap. § énnere, scendere; Sicil. chiummu, Neap. chiummc, piombo; Sicil. and Neap. 'mmidia, invidia; Sicil. szinnu, sangue. As belonging to this class of phenomena the Palaeo-Italic analogy (nd into nn, n), of which the Umbrian furnishes special evidence, readily suggests itself. Another important common characteristic is the reduction of secondary pj H into kj (chfianu -5, Sicil., Neap., &c., Ital. piano), § (Sicil. izimi, Nea . .§ 1imm§ , liume), of secondary b' to j (which may be strengthened) to ghj) if initial (Sicil. jancu, Njeap. janchg, bianco; Sicil. agghianchiari, imbiancare), to l if between vowels (Neap. neglia, nebbia, Sicil. nigliu, nibbio); of primary pj and bj into 6 (Sicil. sifffa, Neap. séééa, seppia) or g respectively (Sicil. ragga, Neap. arragga, rabbia), for whic phenomena see also Genoese (B. I). Further is to be noted the tendency to the sibilation of cj, for which Sicil. jazzu, ghiaccio, may serve as an example (Arch. ii. 149), -a tendency more particularly betrayed in Upper Italy, but Abruzzan departs from it (cf. Abr. jane, ghiaccio, vrzwce, braccio, &c.). There is a common inclination also to elide the initial unaccented palatal vowel, and to refix a, especially beforer (this second tendenc is found likewise in Sibuthern Sardinian, &c.; see Arch. ii. 138% e.g. Sicil. 'nténniri, Neap. ndénnere, intend ere; Sicil. arriccamlirfi, Nea . arragamare, ricamare (see Arch. ii. 150). Throughout the whole district, and the adjacent territories in Central Italy, a tendency also prevails towards resolving certain combinations of consonants by the insertion of avowel; thus combinations in which occur r or l, 10 or j (Sicil. kiruci, Ital. croce, filzigutu, Ital. flauto, salivari, salvare, vziriva, Ital. barba; Abr. cdlechene, Ital. anghero, Salevé§ lre, Silvestro, fculgmemindg, fulminate, jéreve, Itai erba, &c.; Avellinese garamegna, gramigna; N cap. dvotro = * dwtro, Ital. dllro, cévoza = * céwza, Ital. gelso, zgetzi side by side with ajtd, Ital. eta, 6de'o=6djo, Ital. odio, &c.; br. nniv@ic, indiva, nébbgjc, nebbia, &c.§ ; caltzijeve=catt¢ijve, cattivo, gouiele, = * gzrwle, gola, &c. &c., are examples from Molfetta, where is also normal the resolution of bk by .liek (méiiekere, maschera, § ek¢ilele, scatola, &c.); cf. seddegno, sdegno, in some dialects of the province of Avellino. In com lete contrast to the tendency to get rid of double consonants which has been particularly noted in Venetian (C. 1), we here come to the great division of Italy where the tendency grows strong to germination (or the doubling 0 consonants), especially in proparoxytones; and the Neapolitan in this respect goes farther than the Sicilian (ag. Sicil. séggiru, suocero, cinniri, cenere, do pu, dopo; 'nsemmula, insieme, in-simul; Neap. dellecato, dilficato; iimmeto, umido; débbole).-As to the phonetic phenomena connected with the syntax (see B. 2), it is sufficient to cite such Sicilian exam les as nifuna forma, nesuna donna, alongside of c' é donni, c' e dlonne; éincu jorna, cinque giomi, alongside of chi1i ghiorna, piu 'orni; and the Neapolitan la vocca, la bocca, alongside of a bocca, adlbuccam, &c.
We now proceed to the special consideration, first, of the Sicilian and, secondly, of the dialects of the mainland.
(a) Sicilian.-The Sicilian vocalism is conspicuously etymological. Though differing in colour from the Tuscan, it is not less noble, and between the two there are remarkable points of contact. The dominant variety, represented in the literary dialect, ignores the diphthongs of E and of 5, as it has been seen that they are ignored in Sardinia (B. 2), and here also the 1 and the ii appear intact; but the é and the 6 are fittingly represented by 'i and u; and with equal symmetry unaccented c and 0 are reproduced by 11 and u. Examples: téni, tiene; n6vu, nuovo; pilu, pelo; minnztta, Ital. vendetta; jugu, giogo; agustu, Ital. agosto; cridiri, credere; vinniri, Ital. véndere; sira, sera; vina, vena; suli, Ital. sole; ura, ora; furma, Ital. forma. In the evolution of the consonants it is enough to add here the change of lj into ghj (c.g. figghiu, Ital. liglio) and of ll into dd (ag. gaddu, Ital. gallo). As to morphology, we will confine ourselves to pointing out the masculine plurals of neuter form (li paslura, li marinara). For the Sicilian dialect we have a few fragments goinp back to the 13th century, but the documents are scanty unti we come to the 14th century.
(b) Dialecls of the Neapolitan M ainland.-The Calabrian (by which is to be understood more particularly the vemacular group of the two Further Calabrias) may be fairly considered as a continuation of the Sicilian type, as is seen from the following examples:-corj, 1 [Traces are not lacking on the mainland of nf becoming nc, not only in Calabria, where at Cosenza are found, af. chidncere, Ital. piangere, manciare, but also in Sannio and Apu ia: chtance, mance, Ital. mungere, in the province of Avellino, pénci, Ital. (tu) pungi, at Brindisi. In Sicily, on the other hand, can be traced examples of nb nk nt mp becoming ng ng nd mb.]
cuore; petrayfimmina, femina; vuce, voce; unure, onore; figghiu, figlio; spadde, spalle; lrfizza, treccia. Both Sicilian and Calabrian is the reducing of rl to rr (Sicil. parrari, Cal. parrare, parlare, &c.). The final vowel -e is reduced to -fi, but is preserved in the more southern part, as is seen from the above examples. Even the it for § = H, as in huri (Sicil. iuri, Iiore), which is characteristic in Calabrian, has its forerunners in the island (see Arch. ii. 456). And, in the same way, though the dominant varieties of Calabria seem to cling to the mb (it sometimes happens that mm takes the form of mb: tmbiscare = Sicil. 'mmiscari 'immischiare', &c.) and nd, as opposed to the mm, nn, of the whole of Southern Italy and Sicily, we must remember, Erstly, that certain other varieties have, e.g. granne, Ital. grande, and chiummu, Ital. piombo; and secondly, that even in Sicily (at Milazzo, Barcelona, and as far as Messina) districts are to be found in which nd is used. Along the coast of the extreme south of Italy, when once we have passed the interru tions caused by the Basilisco type (so called from the Basilicata), the Sicilian vocalism again presents itself in the Otrantine, especially in the seaboard 0 Ca o di Leuca. In the Lecce variety of the Otrantine the vocalism which has just been described as Sicilian also keeps its ground in the main (cf. Morosi, Arch. iv.): sfira, sera; leitu, oliveto; pilu; ura, ora; dulure. Nay more, the Sicilian phenomenon o lj into ghj (ipgghiu, iiglio, &c.) is well marked in Terra d'Otranto and also in erra di Bari, and even extends through the Capitanata and the Basilicata (cf. D' Ovidio, Arch. iv. 159-160). As strongly marked in the Terra d'Otranto is the insular phenomenon of ll into dd (dr), which is also very widely distributed through the Neapolitan territories on the eastern side of the Apennines, sending outs oots even to the Abruzzo. But in Terra d'Otranto we are already in the midst of the diphthongs of é and of 5, both non positional and positional, the develo ment or permanence of which is determined by the quality of the unaccented final vowel, -as generally happens in the dialects of the south. The diphthongs of é and Zi, determined b final -'i and -u, are also characteristic of central and northern Calabria (viecchiu -i, vecchio -a, vecchia -e, vecchia -e; buonu -i, bona -e, &c. &c.). Thus there comes to be a treatment of the vowels, peculiar to the two peninsulas of Calabria and Salent. The diphthongal product of the o is here ne. The following are examples from the Lecce variety of the dialect: core, pl. cuem; mem, mieti, mete, mieto, mieti, miete (Lat. métere); sentu, sienti, sente; olu, uélfi, ala, volo, voli, vola; mordu, muerdi, morde. The 'ue recalls the fundamental reduction which belongs to the Gallic (not to speak of the Spanish) 'regions, and stretches through the north of the Terradi Bari, where there areother diphthongs curiously suggestive of the Gallic: e.g. at Bitonto alongside of luechg, luogo, sugnng, sonno, we have the 01: and the ai from c or gr ° and the au from a of the
a dkphthongal disturbance
of into an e more or less
sconsolata; at Canosa di
of the previous hase (vecozng, vicino),
previous phase (ldnaurc, onore), besides
of the ¢i. Here also occurs the change
pure (thus, at Cisternino, scunsuléte,
uglia, arruéte, arrivata; n-ghépe, “in capa, " that is, in capo); to which may be added the continual weakening or elision of the unaccented vowels not only at the end but in the body of the word (thus, at Bitonto, vgndett, spranz). A similar type meets us as we cross into Capitanata (Cerignolaz grafilg and grgi-, creta (but also pgitg, piede, &c.), coutc, coda (but also fourgf, fuori, &c.);vgin;, vino, and similarly pgilg, pelo (Neap. pilo), &c.; fugkg, fuoco; cargtdtg, carita, parld, parlare, &c.); such forms being apparently the outposts of the Abruzzan, which, however, is only reached through the Molise-a district not very populous even now, and still more thinly peopled in bygone days-whose prevailing forms of speech in some measure interrupt the historical continuity of the dialects of the Adriatic versant, presenting, as it were, an irruption from the other side of the Apennines. In the head valley of the Molise, at Agnone, the legitimate precursors of the Abruzzan vernaculars reappear (ferifa, fava, stufeeite and -uote, stufo, annojato, fed, fare; chiezza, piazza, chflegne, piangere, cuene, cane; pudle, palo, pruote, prato, cuone, cane; vefire and vafire, vero, moile, melo, and similarly voive and veive, vivo; deune, dono, deuva, doga; minaure, minore; cuerpe, corpo, but cuolle). The following are pure Abruzzan examples. (I) From Bucchianico (Abruzzo Citeriore): veive, vivo; rrajg, re; allaure, allora; craune, corona; cfirché, cercare; mélgr, male; rénng, grande; quénng; but 'nsultate, insultata; strada, strada fwhere again it is seen that the reduction of the li depends on the quality of the final unaccented vowel, and that it is not produced exclusively by i, which would give rise to a further reduction: scillarite, scellerati; ampfire, impari). (2) From Pratola Peligna (Abruzzo Ulteriore Il.); mlljgv mia; 'naure, onore; njuriéte, in i riata; desperéle, disperata(alongside of verinecd, vendicare). It airiiiost appears that a continuity with Emilian 1 ought to be established .across the Marches (where another irruption of greater 1
of the é from ti in the southern dialects on the Tyrrhenian side; texts of Serrara d'lschia give: mancete, mangiata, marelete, maritata, manneto, mandato; also tenno -= Neap. tanno, allora. As to the diphthongs, we should not omit to mention that some of them are obviously of comparatively recent formation. Thus, examples from Cerignola, such as lgrgile, oliveto, come from *olivfitu (cf. Lecc. leitu. &c.), that is to say, they are posterior to the phenomenon e'-It
should, however, be noticed that there seem to be examples