Commentariorum Rhetoricorum oratoriarum institutionum Libri VI.
(1606 and often); De Historicis Graecis Libri III. (1624.); De
Historicis Latinis Libri III. (1627); De Theologia Gentili (1642);
Dissertationes Tres de Tribus Symbolis, Apostolico, Athanasiano et
Constantinopolitano (1642). Collected works published at Amsterdam
(6 vols., 1695-1701).
See P. Niceron, Mémoires pour servir à l'histoire des hommes illustres, vol. xiii. (Paris, 1730); Herzog's Realencyklopädie, art. “Vossius”; and the article in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie.
VOTE and VOTING. The Latin votum, derived from vovere, to vow, meant a solemn promise, hence a wish, desire or prayer, in which senses the doublet “vow,” derived through French, is used now chiefly. “Vote” is specially employed in the sense of a registering of one's choice in elections or on matters of debate, and the political meaning is the only one which requires comment.
Ancient.—In ancient Greece and Italy the institution of suffrage already existed in a rudimentary form at the outset of the historical period. In the primitive monarchies it was customary for the king to invite pronouncements of his folk on matters in which it was prudent to secure its assent beforehand. In these assemblies the people recorded their opinion by clamouring (a method which survived in Sparta as late as the 4th century B.C.), or by the clashing of spears on shields. This latter practice may be inferred to have obtained originally in Rome, the word suffragium meaning literally a responsive crash. Owing to the lack of routine in the early monarchies and aristocracies of Greece and Italy the vote as yet lacked importance as an instrument of government. But in the days of their full political development the communities of these countries had firmly established the principle of government according to the will of majorities, and their constitutions required almost every important act to be directed by a formal vote. This rule applied equally to the decisions of general assemblies, administrative councils and law courts, and obtained alike in states where suffrage was universal and where it was restricted.
In every case the taking of votes was effected in the form of a poll. The practice of the Athenians, which is shown by inscriptions to have been widely followed in the other states of Greece, was to hold a show of hands (χειροτονία), except on questions affecting the status of individuals: these latter, which included all lawsuits and proposals of ostracism (q.v.), were determined by secret ballot (ψήφισμα, so called from the (ψῆφοι or pebbles with which the votes were cast). At Rome the method which prevailed up to the 2nd century B.C. was that of division (discessio). But the economic and social dependence of many voters on the nobility caused the system of open suffrage to be vitiated by intimidation and corruption. Hence a series of laws enacted between 139 and 107 B.C. prescribed the use of the ballot (“tabella,” a slip of wood coated with wax) for all business done in the assemblies of the people.
For the purpose of carrying resolutions a simple majority of votes was deemed sufficient. Regulations about a quorum seem to have been unusual, though a notable exception occurs in the case of motions for ostracism at Athens. As a general rule equal value was made to attach to each vote; but in the popular assemblies at Rome a system of voting by groups was in force until the middle of the 3rd century B.C. by which the richer classes secured a decisive preponderance (see Comitia).
As compared with modern practice the function of voting was restricted in some notable ways. (1) In the democracies of Greece the use of the lot largely supplanted polling for the election of magistrates: at Athens voting was limited to the choice of officers with special technical qualifications. (2) In accordance with the theory which required residence at the seat of government as a condition of franchise, the suffrage could as a rule only be exercised in the capital town. The only known exception under a centralized government was a short-lived experiment under the emperor Augustus, who arranged for polling stations to be opened at election-time in the country towns of Italy. In federal governments the election of deputies to a central legislature seems to be attested by the practice of the Achaean League, where the federal Council was probably elected in the several constituent towns. But little is known as to ancient methods of electing delegates to representative institutions, and in general it may be said that the function of suffrage in Greece and Italy throws no light upon contemporary problems, such as the use of single-area constituencies and proportional representation.
Modern.—The modern method of obtaining a collective expression of opinion of any body of persons may be either “open” or secret. An open expression of opinion may be by some word of assent or negation, or by some visible sign, as the holding up of a hand. Indeed any method of voting which does not expressly make provision for concealing the identity of the person registering the vote is “open.” Some methods of voting still employed (as in the case of parliamentary elections for some of the English universities, where votes may be sent by post) must necessarily reveal the manner in which the elector has recorded his vote. It is in connexion with the election of members of representative bodies—especially legislative bodies—that the qualifications for and methods of voting become especially important. Practically every civilized country has accepted and put in force some form of representation, which may be defined as the theory and principles on which the obtaining of a vote is founded. These are dealt with in the article Representation, and it will be sufficient to give here the various qualifications which are considered by different countries as sufficient to give effect to the principle of representation and the methods of recording votes. In detail these are given for the United Kingdom and the United States in the articles Registration of Voters and Elections, and for other countries under their respective titles in the sections dealing with the Constitution.
The first consideration is the age at which a person should be qualified for a vote. This in a large number of countries is fixed at the age of manhood, namely, twenty-one years of age, but in Hungary the age is fixed at twenty years, in Austria twenty-four years, while in Belgium, Baden, Bavaria, Hesse, Prussia, Saxony, Japan, the Netherlands and Norway the age is twenty-five years, and in Denmark thirty years. Some countries (e.g. Austria, Germany, France) have adopted the principle of what is often termed “manhood or universal suffrage,” i.e. every male adult, not a criminal or a lunatic, being entitled to a vote, but in all cases some further qualifications than mere manhood are required, as in Austria a year's residence in the place of election, or in France a six months' residence. A common qualification is that the elector should be able to read and write. This is required in Italy and Portugal and some of the smaller European states, in some states of the United States (see Elections) and in many of the South American republics. But the most universal qualification of all is some outward visible sign of a substantial interest in the state. The word “substantial” is used here in a comparative sense, as opposed to that form of suffrage which requires nothing more for its exercise than attainment of manhood and perhaps a certain qualifying period of residence. This tangible sign of interest in the state may take the form of possession of property, however small in amount, or the payment of some amount of direct taxation, indeed in some cases, as will be seen, this is rewarded by the conferring of extra votes.
In the United Kingdom possession of freehold or leasehold property of a certain value or occupation of premises of a certain annual value gives a vote. This qualification of property may be said to be included in what is termed the “lodger” vote, given to the occupier of lodgings of the yearly value unfurnished of not less than £10. In Hungary, the payment of a small direct tax on house property or land or on an income varying with occupation is necessary. So in Prussia, Saxony, Bavaria, Hesse, Italy (unless a certain standard in elementary education has been reached), Japan, the Netherlands, Portugal (unless the elector is able to read and write) and Russia. Some of the states in the United States also require the payment of a poll tax. On the other hand, in Russia, students, soldiers, governors of provinces and police officers are disqualified from voting; in Portugal, bankrupts, beggars, domestic servants, workmen in government service and non-commissioned officers are not electors; it must be noted, however, that the government
