ties entirely to questions directly concerning their trade. Recon- structions seldom live long, and the enemies of the Ministry having failed to defeat Briand on social questions turned to the old and oft-tried weapon of anti-clericalism. MM. Malvy and Paul-Meunier, with an interpellation as to the spirit in which the Congregations Law was being observed, reduced the majority to six. Briand resigned on Feb. 27 1911, and M. Monis, a senator of advanced Radical views, succeeded him.
Monis Ministry. M. Monis formed a purely Socialist-Radical Ministry. He himself took the Interior, and his chief colleagues were: Caillaux, Finance; Cruppi, Foreign Affairs; Berteaux, War; and Delcasse, Navy. Promise far outstripped performance with this collection of democratic talent. Faced with the concrete problems of office, the preachers of almost revolutionary social reform found but little to alter in the programme of their pre- decessors. They did, however, yield to Socialist pressure on the question of the reinstatement of railway strikers; but before the necessary legislation was passed, the Ministry fell. The same sterility marked the rest of the Government's social efforts; and its advanced Radicalism did not save it from serious disturbances arising out of the delimitation of the Champagne zone. In the Aube and the Marne the rioters were for a few days completely out of hand. The disorders were suppressed, and all attempt at fixing the Champagne zone was for the moment abandoned.
Monis, the premier, and Berteaux, Minister of War, were both victims of an accident at the start of an aeroplane race from Paris to Madrid on May 21. Berteaux was killed outright, but Monis, although seriously injured, remained in office, appointing Gen. Goiran to the vacant portfolio. The death of Berteaux, a man of great wealth and influence in Radical circles, was a great loss to an already weakened Cabinet. The situation, both at home and abroad, was full of difficulty. Socialist opposition to the Fez expedition (April-May) and difficulties with the admin- istration of the Old Age Pensions bill would probably have been enough to bring about the collapse of the Ministry, which, how- ever, fell on a question of the supreme command of the army in time of war. Parliament refused to give a vote of confidence to the Government, which declared that decisions as to the supreme command were its sole concern, and the Ministry resigned.
Caillaux in Power. There was no real question of policy at issue. The Chamber had tired of the ineffectual mediocrity of M. Monis, and required more brilliant leadership. This was pro- vided by M. Joseph Caillaux, who, on becoming prime minister, went from Finance to the Interior. M. Klotz became Minister of Finance, Cruppi Minister of Justice, and de Selves Minister of Foreign Affairs. Delcasse remained at the Navy, and Messimy took the War Office. This Ministry, by its mistakes, made a per- manent mark upon the world's history. Its members were full of professed social and fiscal ambitions, which found their only man- ifestation in pettifogging party practice. From the point of view of internal politics it represented many of the worst influences of bigoted Radical tyranny, and in home affairs it was quickly discredited. Abroad its policy was well-nigh disastrous, and by its weakness, and by the tortuous secret diplomacy of Caillaux towards Germany, it very nearly plunged Europe into war.
Agadir. Foreign affairs very soon absorbed the whole atten- tion of both Parliament and public. Negotiations which had been in progress for some time with Germany over Morocco were given a definitely threatening aspect by the arrival of the German gun-boat " Panther " at the undeveloped port Agadir. Caillaux, who had always believed in the possibility of conciliation with Germany, conducted secret negotiations with Berlin without con- sulting the Cabinet, and without indeed informing his own Minister for Foreign Affairs of what was on foot. Throughout the summer European diplomacy was thereby plunged into the darkest bewilderment, and statesmen in more than one capital, unaware of Caillaux's underground conversations, were speaking and acting at cross-purposes with each other. It was impossible to maintain complete secrecy. M. Clemenceau among others be- came aware that something was going on, and public dislike of the trend of events led to an outburst of national feeling in Sep- tember. Although the agreement of Nov. 4 1911, which resulted
from official negotiations with Germany, was ratified by Parlia- ment, the Cabinet, and its head in particular, had so lost in influ- ence that the resignation of M. de Selves on Jan. 9 1912 brought about the collapse of the Government the next day. Caillaux's negotiations with Germany subsequently formed the subject of special parliamentary inquiry. The sordidness of the whole story and the light-hearted way in which Caillaux had played fast and loose with -the honour of France and her friendship with Great Britain thoroughly disgusted the country, which had already shown many signs of discontent with the rule of narrow-minded Radical mediocrity even under a premier of undoubtedly brilliant talent. A recoil from Caillautism was inevitable.
Poincare in Power. Raymond Poincare undertook the task of giving to the country the " national " Cabinet it desired. Three former prime ministers took office in his Government, the kernel of which was formed by Poincare, Foreign Affairs; Klotz, Finance; Leon Bourgeois, Labour; Millerand, War; Delcasse, Navy; and Briand, Justice. Foreign affairs remained the chief preoccupa- tion. The acute point of crisis with Germany was past, but the whole European situation was unstable, and called for the closest watchfulness. In home affairs, electoral reform took up the greater part of Parliament's attention. Vigorous action was taken against anti-militarist and revolutionary propaganda.
Presidential Election. M. Fallieres' term of the presidency of the Republic came to an end at the beginning of 1913. There were two candidates for the succession, Poincare and Pams. Poin- care rallied to his support a great weight of feeling outside Parlia- ment, whilst inside both the Senate and the Chamber of Depu- ties he had behind him the bulk of the Moderate Republican votes, and nearly all the Conservative elements. Clemenceau, alarmed by the almost reactionary nature of Poincare's candida- ture, led the campaign on behalf of Pams, a Radical Republican of classic mediocrity, with such fire as to secure his adoption as Republican candidate in the party caucus meeting on the eve of Versailles. Poincare, however, refused to withdraw his candida- ture, in spite of all the appeals made to him by Radical stalwarts to observe party discipline. The second ballot at the National Assembly, held at Versailles on Jan. 17 1913, showed that he had accurately estimated the general opinion of Parliament. He re- ceived 483 votes, his opponent Pams only obtaining 296. This result, while constituting a victory for Conservatism, was also a sign that people, alarmed by the portents in the international sky, wished to have a strong man at the head of the republic, and one capable of playing his own part in the relations of the republic with foreign Powers. Before Poincare was installed at the Elysee (Feb. 18 I9T3), his successor as prime minister, Briand, was faced by the need to meet the growth in the military strength of Germany, which could not be left unchallenged.
Briand's New Ministry. On Feb. 27 a first step was made towards this end, when a bill was tabled in the Chamber of Depu- ties, opening an extraordinary military credit of 20,000,00x3 for war material. On March 6, M. Etienne, Minister of War, brought in a bill raising the period of obligatory military service from two to three years. Before the bill could be proceeded with the Briand Ministry came to grief in the Senate, and, after an adverse vote of 33 on proportional representation, Briand resigned on March 18, having been in office for 56 days. The Electoral Reform bill was among the fixtures which Briand took over from Poincare. It provided for proportional representation by means of the electoral quotient. The bill had been passed by the Chamber of Deputies, where Socialist support rendered Radi- cal opposition ineffectual. In the Senate, however, the Radical bloc remained firm. Clemenceau saw in the bill an excellent opportunity of scoring against President Poincare, who was a firm supporter of the measure. Moreover, he, with many other orthodox Radicals, was alarmed by the somewhat chauvinistic manner in which Poincare's return to the Presidency had been greeted by the reactionary party, and suspected, in proportional representation, "a device to increase the power of the Right.
Barthou's Government. The crisis brought about by the defeat of Briand on this point was fortunately" of short duration, and, on March 21, M. Barthou was able to form a ministry. Its chief
