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to the economic expansion of the nationalities, in so far as these existed outside the political sphere, the overflow of a nationality in one state percolating, or occasionally flooding, into another without any sense of inconvenience to the state invaded, which merely received a very often welcome addition to the Biumber of its subjects. In the days before the industrial revolution these transferences of population were, indeed, more often determined by other than economic causes. Thus in the i yth century some 30,000 Slav and Albanian families migrated into tihe Habsburg dominions, Slavonia and southern Hungary, in order to escape the fury of the Turks; Flemish and French Protestants fled in thousands to the British Islands; and the Electors of Brandenburg peopled their wast* spaces with Hugue- not refugees from France and Protestant refugees from southern Germany. In the industrial age the migrations took another form. German industrial expansion demanded a vast supply of cheap labour, and this was provided by a mass immigration of Sla^s, which created misgiving even when the German Empire was supremely powerful. 1 Little misgiving -was created, on the other hand, by the still vaster immigration of all the less devel- oped -nationalities of Europe into the United States and, later, into 'the British Dominions. The process, indeed, was in itself unobjectionable so long as the migrating masses carried with them no conscious sentiment of nationality in a political sense, and no claim to assert themselves as separate entities, i.e, so long as allegiance was conceived as due not to the nationality but to the state. It is quite another thing when, under the principle of self-determination, the balance of nationalities in any given state becomes a matter of vital importance to the state itself. The Emperor Leopold I. would hardly have given special privileges to the Slavs who sought refuge in his domin- ions had he foreseen that this migration would lead, some 200 years later, to the downfall of the Habsburg Empire and dynasty. The damger of similar consequences is increased when the con- stitution -of the state itself is made dependent upon a popular vote, and all the signs point to the fact that self-contained nations will no longer permit promiscuous immigration the United States has set the example by " tightening up " its immigration laws and will be increasingly intolerant of national divergencies within their own borders. The effect of the principle of self-determination, logically applied, would therefore be to establish the nationalities as jealously segregated nations, prob- ably surrounded by tariff walls, certainly defended against dan- gerous infiltration of alien elements from without by rigid rules as to naturalization, and earnestly bent on reducing all within their borders to the same national model. The danger to peace of attempting to confine the expansive forces of nationalism within such artificial limits is obvious, and the danger will not be avoided by the creation of an international force, such as the League of Nations, charged with the duty of preserving the status quo or of readjusting it according to the ebb and flow of the national life of the several communities; for the pressure of the forces of expansion of vigorous nationalities, artificially restrained, would blow the League to pieces.

It may be that the economic development of the world, by increasingly demonstrating the interdependence of nations, will reduce the sentiment of nationality to the position it occupied during the long ages when it was not the basis of the state, still less an intolerant crusading power. But the World War at least proved that the international movement associated with labour, disfigured as it was by its insistence on the necessity of a new form of war that of class against class was powerless against the passion of nationality. The true hope of peace for the future lies in the recovery by the world of the idea of the state, what- ever form it may take, as a thing apart from and above the idea of nationality and infinitely tolerant of national divergencies. It is the ideal towards which the British Empire has been con- sistently tending. The ideal League of Nations will be some such loose confederation, embracing all the world, of which each constituent state, while guarding its own interests, will realize that these interests are bound up with those of the totality of

1 See a remarkable series in the Frankfurter Zcitung in 1911.

states. For such a universal union, however, the world is not ripe; for there are peoples who are not yet capable of self- government, and will only become so, if ever, by a long process of education. To talk of self-determination for such peoples is a mockery. It is also a wrong; for, as Senator Elihu Root wisely said with reference to the Philippines, " the right to gov- ernment is prior to the right to self-government."

See W. Alison Phillips, " Europe and the Problem of Nationality," Edinburgh Rev. for Jan. 1915, of which parts are incorporated in the above article ;J.W. Headlam-Morley, " Plebiscites," Quarterly Rev. for July 1921 (No. 468); Sarah Wambaugh, A Monograph on Plebiscites, with a collection of Official Documents (1921); Plebiscites, vol. xxv. of the Peace Handbooks issued by the Historical Section of the Foreign Office (1920); A History of the Peace Conference of Paris, edited by H. W. V. Temperley (3 vols., 1920). Among more modern foreign works on the subject are Schallmeyer, Vererbung und Auslese im Lebenslaufe der Volker (1903) ; Kirchhoff, Zur Verstdndigung ilber die Begriffe " Nation " und " Nationalitdt " (1905) ; Otto Bauer, Nationalitdtenfrage und die Sozialdemokratie (1907). (W. A. P.)

SELOUS, FREDERICK COURTNEY (1851-1917), English ex- plorer (see 24. 614), in 1909 organized Mr. Roosevelt's hunting expedition in East Africa, and in 1910 represented Britain at the Congress of Field Sports held at Vienna. In Aug. 1914 he offered hii services to the War Office, but they were declined on account of his age (he was over 62). Persistence, however, gained him a sub- altern's commission (Feb. 1915) in the Legion of Frontiersmen (25th Fusiliers) and he reached Mombasa in May following. Se- lous took part in many engagements in the East African campaign, was promoted captain and (Sept. 1916) given the D.S.O. He was killed in action at Beho Beho on Jan. 4 1917 (a year after his eldest son had been killed on the western front). His private col- lection of trophies was given by his widow (Mary Maddy, whom he married in 1894) to the Natural History Museum, London, where in June 1920 a national memorial to him was unveiled a bronze half-figure by W. R. Colton a Selous scholarship being also founded at his old school, Rugby.

See J. G. Millar's Life of Frederick Courtney Selous (London 1918), and Geog. Jnl., vol. xlix. (1917).

SENUSSI AND SENUSSITES (see 24.649) .The military activity of the Senussi from 1900 to 1910 had been directed against the advance of the French in the regions bordering the Sahara between Lake Chad and the Nile basin. There was evidence of an

THE SENUSSI COUNTRY

increase of adherents to the sect in Egypt and in Arabia; in N.W. Africa and in the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan Senussiism made practically nt> headway.