ψ 315; מְטֹ֣עֲנֵי חָ֫רֶב Is 1419; as also when the tone-syllable of the second word is preceded by a half-syllable, e.g. ע֫שֶֹׁה פְּרִי Gn 111 (on the Dag. f., cf. § 20 f); לָ֫תֶת לְךָ Gn 157 (cf. § 20 c).
[g] According to the above, it must be regarded as anomalous when the Masora throws back the tone of a closed ultima upon a virtually sharpened syllable with a short vowel, e.g. אַ֫חַר כֵּן 1 S 105, § 101 a; וְכִ֫חֶשׁ בּוֹ Jb 818, cf. Lv 522, Ho 92; לְצַ֫חֶק בָּ֫נוּ Gn 3914.17; whereas it elsewhere allows a closed penultima to bear the tone only when the ultima is open. Still more anomalous is the placing of the tone on a really sharpened syllable, when the ultima is closed, as in הֻ֣קַּם עָל 2 S 231; נִ֣כַּר שׁוֹעַ Jb 3419; cf. also יֻֽקַּם־קָ֫יִן Gn 424, with Metheg of the secondary tone. We should read either הֻקַּ֣ם, or, with Frensdorff, Massora Magna, p. 167, Ginsb., Kittel, after Bomb., הֻ֣קַם. Other abnormal forms are וַיַּחֲזֶק בּוֹ Ex 44 (for similar instances see § 15 c, end) and וַיִּ֣הְיוּ שָׁם Dt 105.
[h] (c) In pause, see i–v.
The meeting of two tone-syllables (see e, f) is avoided also by connecting the words with Maqqeph, in which case the first word entirely loses the tone, e.g. וַיִּכְתָּב־שָׁ֫ם and he wrote there, Jos 832.
[i] 4. Very important changes of the tone and of the vowels are effected by the pause. By this term is meant the strong stress laid on the tone-syllable in the last word of a sentence (verse) or clause. It is marked by a great distinctive accent, Sillûq, ʾAthnâḥ, and in the accentuation of the books תא״ם, ʿÔlè weyôrēd (§ 15 h). Apart from these principal pauses (the great pause), there are often pausal changes (the lesser pause) with the lesser distinctives, especially Segolta, Zaqeph qaṭon, Rebhîaʿ, and even with Pašṭa, Tiphḥa, Gereš, and (Pr 304) Pazer.[1]
The changes are as follows:
[k] (a) When the tone-syllable naturally has a short vowel, it as a rule becomes tone-long in pause, e.g. קָטַל, קָטָ֑ל; מַ֫יִם, מָ֑יִם; קָטַ֫לְתָּ, קָטָ֫לְתָּ. An ă which has been modified to Seghôl usually becomes ā in pause, e.g. קֶ֫שֶׁר (ground-form qašr) in pause קָ֫שֶׁר 2 K 1114; אֶ֫רֶץ אָ֑רֶץ Jer 2229;
- ↑ In most cases, probably on account of a following guttural or (at the end of a sentence) וּ (cf. e.g. Ex 2131, Jer 39 [but Ginsb. ותחנַף], Ru 44, Ec 116 [but Ginsb. יכשַׁר]; before וְ Jer 1711) [see also § 29 w]. שָׁפָ֣ט אֶת־ 1 S 717, וָאָ֣רֶץ Is 6517, Pr 253, where ā has munaḥ, are very irregular, but the lengthening here is probably only to avoid the cacophony šāphắṭ ʾĕt. In the same way הֲיִצְלָח Ez 1715 (with Mahpakh before הֲ) and וַיִּקְרָם Ez 378 (with Darga before עֲ) are to be explained. The four instances of אָנִי for אֲנִי apparently require a different explanation; see § 32 c.—The theory of Olshausen and others that the phenomena of the pause are due entirely to liturgical considerations, i.e. that it is ‘a convenient way of developing the musical value of the final accents by means of fuller forms’ in liturgical reading (Sievers, Metr. Studien, i. 236, also explains pausal forms like קָטָ֫לָה, יִקְטֵֹ֫לוּ as ‘late formations of the grammarians’) is contradicted by the fact that similar phenomena are still to be observed in modern vulgar Arabic, where they can only be attributed to rhythmical reasons of a general character.
