tendency to assimilate the dual to the plural in form: so König, Lehrgeb., ii. 17), as קְרָנַ֫יִם horns, with suff. קְרָנָיו (Dn 83 ff.; elsewhere always קַרְנַ֫יִם, קַרְנָיו, &c.), and so always דְּלָתַ֫יִם, constr. st. דַּלְתֵי folding-doors, דְּרָכַ֫יִם (?) double way.
[o] 2. On Paradigms b and e. With a final א rejected (but retained orthographically) we find חֵטְא sin. An initial guttural before suffixes generally receives Seghôl instead of the original ĭ, e.g. חֶלְקִי, עֶזְרִי, &c., so in the constr. st. plur. עֶגְלֵי, &c.; חֵטְא forms חֲטָאֵי 2 K 1029, &c., retaining the Qameṣ of חֲטָאִים before the weak א.—The pausal forms סָ֫תֶר and שָׁ֫בֶט (out of pause always סֵ֫תֶר, שֵׁ֫בֶט) go back to by-forms סֶ֫תֶר, שֶׁ֫בֶט.—On עִשְּׂבוֹת (constr. st. plur. of עֵ֫שֶׂב) Pr 2725, cf. § 20 h; שִׁקְמִים sycamores, without Qameṣ before the termination ־ִים (see above, l), is probably from the sing. שִׁקְמָה found in the Mišna.
[p] 3. On Paradigms c and f. קשְׁטְ occurs in Pr 2221 without a helping vowel; with a middle guttural פֹּ֫עַל, &c., but with ה also אֹ֫הֶל, בֹּ֫הֶן; with a final guttural גֹּ֫בַהּ, רֹ֫בַע &c., but with א, גֹּ֫מֶא; with a firmly closed syllable אָסְפֵּי Mi 71.
[q] Before suffixes the original ŭ sometimes reappears in the sing., e.g. גֻּדְלוֹ (ψ 1502) beside גָּדְלוֹ, from גֹּ֫דֶל greatness; סֻבֳּלוֹ (with Dageš forte dirimens, and the ŭ repeated in the form of a Ḥaṭeph-Qameṣ, cf. § 10 h) Is 93, &c.; גֻּשְׁמָהּ Ez 2224.—Corresponding to the form פָּֽעָלְכֶם pŏʿŏlekhèm we find קָֽטָבְךָ Ho 1314, even without a middle guttural; similarly קָֽטֳנִי (so Jablonski and Opitius) 1 K 1210, 2 Ch 1010, from קֹ֫טֶן little finger; but the better reading is, no doubt, קָֽטָנִּי (so ed. Mant., ‘the ק proleptically assuming the vowel of the following syllable’; König, Lehrgeb., ii. 69), and the form is to be derived, with König, from קְטֹן, not qŭtŭn, as Brockelmann quotes him, in Grundriss, p. 103. The reading קָֽטֳנִּי (Baer and Ginsburg) is probably not due to a confusion of the above two readings, but ־ֳ is merely intended to mark the vowel expressly as ŏ. In the forms פֹּֽעֲלוֹ Is 131 (for פָּֽעֳלוֹ) and תֹּֽאֲרוֹ Is 5214 (for תָּֽאֳרוֹ 1 S 2814), the lengthening of the original ŭ to ō has been retained even before the suffix; cf. § 63 p and § 74 h (בְּמֹצַֽאֲכֶם Gn 3220).—In the same way ō remains before ־ָה locale, e.g. גּ֫ׄרְנָה, הָאֹהֱלָה Gn 186, 2467, &c. Dissimilation of the vowel (or a by-form נֶ֫כַח?) seems to occur in נִכְחוֹ Ex 142, Ez 469, for נָכְחוֹ.
[r] In the absol. st. plur. the original ŭ generally becomes Šewâ before the Qameṣ, e.g. בְּקָרִים from בֹּ֫קֶר morning, פְּעָלִים works, רְמָחִים lances, שְׁעָלִים handfuls (constr. st. שַֽׁעֲלֵי Ez 1319); on the other hand, with an initial guttural the ŭ-sound reappears as Ḥaṭeph Qameṣ, e.g. חֳדָשִׁים months, עֳפָרִים gazelles, אֳרָחוֹת ways; and so even without an initial guttural, הַגֳּרָנוֹת the threshing-floors, 1 S 231, Jo 224; קָֽדָשִׁים sanctuaries, and שָֽׁרָשִׁים roots (qŏdhāšîm, &c., with ŏ for ־ֳ); also קָֽדָשַׁי [but קֳדָשֶׁ֫יךָ, קֳדָשָׁיו, once קָֽ׳], where, however, the reading frequently fluctuates between קָֽ׳ and קֳ׳; with the article הַקֳּ׳, בַּקֳּ׳, לַקֳּ׳, according to Baer and Ginsburg. On these forms cf. especially § 9 v. From אֹ֫הֶל tent, both בָּֽאֳהָלִים and אֹֽהָלִים (cf. § 23 h and פֹּֽעֲלוֹ above) are found; with light suffixes אֹֽהָלַי, &c.; so from אֹרַח way, אֹֽרְחֹתָיו (also אָרְחֹתַי)—hence only with initial א, ‘on account of its weak articulation’ (König, Lehrgeb., ii. 45). It seems that by these different ways of writing a distinction was intended between the
