Page:Gesenius' Hebrew Grammar (1910 Kautzsch-Cowley edition).djvu/351

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 [e 4. The imperfect consecutive sometimes has such a merely external connexion with an immediately preceding perfect, that in reality it represents an antithesis to it, e.g. Gn 3231 and (yet) my life is preserved; 2 S 38 and yet thou chargest me; Jb 108, 323; similarly in dependence on noun-clauses, Pr 3025 ff.

 [f 2. The introduction of independent narratives, or of a new section of the narrative, by means of an imperfect consecutive, likewise aims at a connexion, though again loose and external, with that which has been narrated previously. Such a connexion is especially often established by means of וַיְהִי (καὶ ἐγένετο) and it came to pass, after which there then follows either (most commonly) an imperfect consecutive (Gn 43, 8, 8:6, 11:2, Ex 1229, 1317, &c.), or Wāw with the perfect (separated from it), Gn 710, 1512, 221, 2730, or even a perfect without Wāw (Gn 813, 141f., 40:1, Ex 1241, 1622, Nu 1011, Dt 13, 1 S 1830, 2 K 821, &c.), or finally a noun-clause introduced by Wāw, Gn 411.

 [g Rem. 1. This loose connexion by means of ויתי[1] is especially common, when the narrative or a new section of it begins with any expression of time, see above, b; cf., in addition to the above-mentioned examples (e.g. Gn 221 and it came to pass after these things, that God did prove Abraham), the similar cases in Gn 1934, 2122, 1 S 1111, Ru 11. Elsewhere the statement of time is expressed by בְּ or כְּ‍ with an infinitive (Gn 1214, 1917, 29 39:13, 15:18f., Ju 1625) or by an independent sentence with the perfect (equivalent to a pluperfect, cf. § 106 f), e.g. Gn 1517, 2415, 2730, or by a temporal clause introduced by כִּי when, Gn 268, 271, Ju 1616, כַּֽאֲשֶׁר when, Gn 1211, 2013, מֵאָזּ from the time that, Gn 395; or, finally, by a noun-clause (cf. § 116 u), e.g. 2 K 1321 וַיְהִי הֵם קֹֽבְרִים אִישׁ and it came to pass, as they were (just) burying a man (prop. they burying), that...; Gn 4235, 2 K 211 (the apodosis in both these cases being introduced by וְהִנֵּה); 1 S 710, 2 S 1330, 2 K 65, 26, 19:37 (=Is 3738).—In 1 S 1011, 1111, 2 S 223, 152 a noun standing absolutely follows וַיְהִי (as the equivalent of a complete sentence; see below, h), and then an imperfect consecutive follows.

 [h 2. Closely related to the cases noticed in g are those in which the imperfect consecutive, even without a preceding ויחי, introduces the apodosis either— (a) to whole sentences, or (b) to what are equivalent to whole sentences, especially to nouns standing absolutely. As in certain cases of the perfect consecutive (see § 112 x), so the imperfect consecutive has here acquired a sort of independent force. Cf. for (a) 1 S 1523 because thou hast rejected the word of the Lord, וַיִּמְאָֽסְךָ he hath rejected thee (cf. Nu 1416, Is 484, where the causal clause precedes in the form of an infinitive with preposition), Ex 921; for (b) Gn 2224 וּפִֽילַגְשׁוֹ and (as to) his concubine..., וַתֵּ֫לֶד she bare, &c.; Ex 3824, Nu 1436f., 1 S 1419, 1724, 2 S 410, 1941 Keth., 21:16, 1 K 920f., 12:17, 2 K 2522, Jer 619, 288, 3324, 4425[2]—In 1 K 1513, 2 K 1614 the preceding noun, used absolutely, is even regarded as the object of the following imperfect consecutive, and is therefore introduced by אֶת־.

  1. Exhaustive statistics of the use of ויהי in its many and various connexions are given by König in ZAW. 1899, p. 260 ff.
  2. Cf. the Mêšaʿ inscription, l. 5 (Omri) the king of Israel, ויענו he oppressed Moab, &c.—The peculiar imperfect consecutive in Gn 3027 b (in the earlier editions explained as equivalent to an object-clause) arises rather from a pregnant brevity of expression: I have observed and have come to the conclusion, the Lord hath blessed me, &c.—In Gn 2734 read, with LXX, וַיְהִי before כִּשְׁמֹעַ.