R² and VF, since in Kelt. l̥̄, lā, lō, all give lā; we can only infer the probable original from a comparison of cognates; thus O.E. flōr ‘floor’ < VF *plā‑r- suggests that Ir. lār, W. llawr ‘floor’ contain VF *plā‑r‑, √pelā‑; and Gk. παλάμη < RR as above suggests W. llaw < R². But where the vowel was ē as in √pelē- ‘fill’, we know e.g. that W. llawn, Ir. lān ‘full’ come from R² *pl̥̄‑n‑, since VF *plē‑n- as in Lat. plēnus would give W. *llīn, which does not exist, and does give Ir. līn‑, which is seen in līnaim ‘I fill’.
R(R) is postulated instead of RV because the loss of ə is late; this agrees with the fact that we have ar in W., implying *ₑr the form before a vowel, the loss of which is therefore secondary, and not ry from *r̥ the form before a consonant. Similarly i may be taken as R(R) of eiē; thus RR ii̯ə > R(R) ii̯(ə) > i. Where ry occurs in W. beside forms implying an original long vowel we may assume that the former comes from a variant with short vowel of the root; thus W. gw̯rysg ‘boughs, twigs’ < *u̯r̥d‑sq‑, RV of √u̯erod‑; Lat. rādīx < *u̯r̥̄d‑, R² of √u̯erōd‑, O.E. wrōt < *u̯rōd‑, VF of √u̯erōd‑.
(3) A few examples are appended:
√g̑helē- ‘green, yellow’: VR *g̑hlə- > Kelt. *gla‑st- > Brit. ‑glasos ‘tawny’ (Gildas), W. glas ‘green’; FV *g̑hel- > Lat. hel-us.
√gelāk/g- ‘milk’: RR *gₑlək- > Gk. γάλα, γάλακτος;—VR *glək- > Lat. lact- (whence W. llaeth); *gləkt‑s > Ir. glass ‘milk’, W. glasdwr ‘milk and water’.
√qeu̯ēp- ‘blow’: VF *qu̯ēp- > Lith. kvė̃pti ‘blow’;—RR *qₑu̯əp- > W. cawad ‘shower’, Ir. cūa, gen. cūad;—VR *qu̯əp- > Lat. vapor, Gk. καπνός.
√ɡu̯ei̯ē- ‘live’: R² *ɡu̯ī- > Lat. vī-vu‑s, W. buan ‘quick’ < Brit. *bī-u̯o-no‑s § 76 ix (2);—R(R) *ɡu̯i- > W. by‑w ‘live’, by‑d ‘world’, Gk. βίος;—VF *ɡu̯i̯ē- > Gk. ζῆν.
√bheu̯ā- ‘be’: R(R) *bhu- > Lat. fu-turus, Gk. φύ-σις, Kelt. *bu-tā > W. bod ‘to be’;—L°V *bhōu̯- > W. bu § 189 iv (3);—VV *bh(u̯)- > f- in Lat. fīo, b- in W. byẟ § 189 iv (1).
(4) When the second syllable has a short vowel, the treatment is similar: RR ii̯ₑ > R² ī, etc., as before; RV is ĭ. Examples:
√dei̯eu̯- ‘god, day’: FV *dei̯u̯-os > Lat. deus, W. *dwyw > duw ‘god’;—R² *dīu̯- > Lat. dīv-us;—RV *dĭu- > W. dyw ‘day’;—RL *dii̯ēu̯- > Lat. diēs, W. dydd ‘day’.
√qonei̯d- ‘nit’: FR *qonid- > Gk. κονίς gen. κονίδος ‘nit’; VR *qnid- > O.E. hnitu, E. nit, O.H.G. hniz ‘nit’; *s(q)nid-ā > W. nedd ‘nits’, Ir. sned ‘nit’;—FV *qond- > Lith. kandìs ‘moth’; *sqond- > W. chwann-en ‘flea’.
√g̑eneu̯- 'knee': FR *g̑enu > Lat. genu;—F°R *g̑onu > Gk. γόνυ;—with ‑en‑, ‑er- forming names of parts of body: base *g̑eneu̯-en‑: VR² *g̑nūn‑, by dissim. > Kelt. *glūn- > Ir. glūn, W. glīn ‘knee’;—base *g̑eneu̯-er‑: RVV *g̑ₑn(u̯)r- > *ganr- > W. garr ‘knee’ (afal garr ‘knee cap’).
√qorou̯‑: FR *qoru- > Gk. κορυ-φή;—VF *qrou̯- > W. crug ‘heap, hillock’.
