do. 5 ‘they prepare’, vidan (≡ vỿẟan) ib. ‘they will be’; other tenses: deuthan do. 2 ‘they came’, wnaethan do. 4 ‘they did’, darvuan do. 6 ‘they perished’, cuitin (≡ cwyẟyn) do. 95 ‘they fell’. The ‑t is lost in the spoken language.
xi. (1) Beside the impers. in ‑ir, a form in ‑(h)awr, corresponding to the 3rd sg. in ‑hawt, occurs in Early Ml. W.; as talhaur b.b. 31 ‘there will be payment’, ffohawr b.t. 16 ‘there will be flight’, dialawr ib. ‘there will be vengeance’, dyrehawr do. 33 ‘will be mustered’, agorawr w.m. 456 ‘will be opened’; Dygɏn yw aẟaw a garawr r.b. 1062 ‘it is hard to promise what is loved’; Heul yn Ionawr ny mat welawr, M(a)wrth a Whefrawr ae dialawr r.b. 970 ‘Sun in January is not good to be seen, [in] March and February there will be retribution for it’.
(2) The ending ‑(h)er has a fut. ind. meaning in Early Ml. W., as moch guelher y niuer b.b. 2 ‘soon will the host be seen’; nyth atter ti ẏ mywn w.m. 457 ‘thou shalt not be admitted’.
(3) In the early poetry an impersonal in ‑itor, ‑etor, ‑ator, ‑otor occurs: kenhittor kirrn b.b. 52 ‘horns will be sounded’, canhator b.t. 75 ‘will be sung’, megittor b.b. 62 ‘will be brought about’, r͑ewinetor b.t. 68 ‘will be ruined’, traethattor, molhator do. 23, brithottor b.b. 33 ‘are variegated’. Forms in ‑etawr also occur: dygetawr b.t. 10 ‘will be brought’, galwettawr do. 41 ‘will be called’; in these the ending has come under the influence of ‑hawr.
174. Imperf. Ind.—i. The 2nd sg. ending in Ml. W. is ‑ud, as dianghut r.p. 1037 ‘thou wouldst escape’. In Early Mn. W. this remains, as wyddud, atebud rhyming with mud in D.G. 460; but ‑ud di became ‑it ti § 111 ii, § 77 ix; hence Late Mn. W. carit. The ‑i- not being original does not affect the ‑a‑; cerit is an artificial form: “secunda sing. fit etiam sine mutatione vocalis, & fortasse rectiùs, Carit” D. 89. In the dialects the vowel of the 2nd pl. is introduced, as caret; and this debased form occurs in recent writings.
ii. In the early poetry a 3rd sg. ‑i is found, affecting ‑a- in the stem (as well as the usual ‑ei, not affecting); thus ef gelwi b.a. 22 ‘he called’, ef lleẟi ib. ‘he slew’ (beside pan elei ib. ‘when he went’), ny cheri do. 26 ‘he loved not’ (beside ef carei ib. ‘he loved’), eiẟuni do. 16 ‘he desired’, klywi ib. ‘he heard’, a weli b.b. 45 ‘whom he saw’.
For the 3rd sg. in ‑i̯ad see § 191 ii (3).
iii. (1) The vowel of the pl. endings is ‑e‑, which regularly becomes ‑y- before ‑nt, § 65 iii (1). The introduction of the ‑y- into the 1st and 2nd as in hoffym Gr.H. g. 98 (for hoffem) is rare, and doubtless artificial. On the other hand the ‑y- of the 3rd has tended to be replaced by the ‑e- of the 1st and 2nd since the 15th cent., e.g. nis terfynen’ L.G.C. 244 ‘they would not end him’ (usually L.C.C. has ‑yn(t): a berynt 186, a’m ceryn’ 206). In Late Mn. W. the re-formed ‑ent became the usual ending, though ‑ynt remained in use in poetry, e.g. E.F. 36, 287, 316.
(2) In Ml. W. a re-formed 3rd pl. ‑eint, with the vowel of the 3rd
