‘sinned’, guiscvis do. 43 ‘wore’, treulwys w.m. 9 ‘spent’, cyrchwys ib. ‘made for’, meẟylẏwys do. 10 ‘thought’, diffygẏwys do. 12 ‘failed’, trigẏwys r.m. 92 ‘resided’, gallwys do. 108 ‘could’, mynnwys r.b.b. 200 ‘desired’. It was simplified early to ‑ws § 78 i (2), as bendigus b.b. 36 ‘blessed’, ffruincluymus (read ‑clymus) do. 93; cerẟws p14/6 r. (mid-13th cent.) ‘walked’, claẟws p 14/14 r. ‘buried’, kemerrws p 29/31 r. ‘took’. The form ‑w͡ys disappeared, but ‑ws is sometimes met with in Mn. lit. W., and became the usual ending in parts of S.W.
- Hadlyd liw hudol o dlws,
- Hudolion a’i hadeilws.—D.G. 447.
‘Perished colour enchantingly beautiful, it is enchanters that built it.’
(6) ‑t in t-aorists, see iii (1).
ii. (1) The above are strictly stem-forming suffixes, with no personal ending, added to the pres. stem. The 1st sg. has ‑as affected to ‑eis; the 2nd sg. has the same with added ‑t; the pl. has a similar suffix, which takes three forms, to which the personal endings ‑am, ‑awch, ‑ant are added. The forms of the suffix are Ml. W. ‑ass‑, ‑yss- and ‑ss‑, Mn. W. ‑as‑, ‑s‑.
(2) ‑ass- and ‑yss- are not sharply distinguished: thus dywedassam r.m. 44 = dywedyssam w.m. 61 ‘we mentioned’, collassam r.m. 52 = collyssam w.m. 72 ‘we have lost’, cilẏassant, torrassant r.m. 36 = cẏlyssant, torryssant w.m. 52 ‘they retreated, they broke’. Both forms occur throughout the Ml. period, ‑ass- encroaching in later mss. as the examples show. Later ‑yss- disappeared, and in Late Mn. W. ‑as- alone is used.
(3) ‑s(s)- is used after ‑l- and ‑r- and after the diphthongs ‑aw‑, ‑yw‑, ‑eu‑: gwelsom w.m. 50, r.m. 35 ‘we saw’, cymersant w.m. 169 (= cymerassant r.m. 235) ‘they took’, adcorssant b.b. 46 ‘they returned’, ymadawssam h.m. ii 292, Ỻ.A. 148 ‘we left’, clywssont w.m. 33 ‘they heard’, dechreussant do. 41, 72 ‘they began’, beside dechreuyssant 44. In Mn. W. it is regularly found in gwelsom, and always after ‑aw- as gwrandawsom; sometimes in other cases, as talsom, cymersom. In the dialects the ‑s- form became general.
(4) Beside the usual ‑am, ‑awch, ‑ant in Ml. W., ‑om and ‑ont are often found, and are specially frequent in the w.m.; ‑och is very rare: doethoch w.m. 161 (= doethawch r.m. 228) ‘ye came’. In Mn. lit. W. ‑om, ‑och, ‑ant are the usual endings. In the spoken lang. mostly ‑on, ‑och, on’.
(5) In the old poetry there are traces of the 3rd sg. ending ‑id, as in the pres. § 173 vi (1), as delẏessit Ieuan … vab Duw … yn dwfɏr echwyẟ r.p. 1184 ‘John held the Son of God in the water of baptism’ (the context shows that it is not impers. plup.), prinessit (read prynessit) ib.; also ‑yd, as keressyt r.p. 1168, pregethyssit (/kyt) b.t. 54.
iii. (1) A 3rd sg. ending ‑t added to the pres. stem is found in some verbs, as cant b.a. i, w.m. 120, r.m. 196 ‘sang’ (not cânt as wrongly assumed by some recent copyists), gwant r.m. 81, w.m. 111 ‘pierced’; *‑er‑t- regularly becomes ‑yrth § 65 iii (2), hence diffirth, kymirth b.b. 40
