tively rare: gwiscof w.m. 97 (= gwisgwyf r.m. 71), cysgof h.m. ii 137, gofynnof do. 260. This is probably a re‑formation from the 3rd sg.
(2) The 3rd pl. ending is ‑ont; rarely in Ml. W. ‑w͡ynt, as in elwynt B.A. 2, 3 (: af ‘I go’), and ‑oent, as pan venoent a.l. i 22 ‘when they desire’. All are prob. formed from the 3rd sg.
(3) The 1st and 2nd pl. end in ‑om, ‑och: diwyccom, digonhom b.b. 30, crettoch r.m. 131.
(4) The impers. ends in ‑er; but there are examples of a form in ‑w͡yr: r͑othwyr b.t. 1 for the usual r͑oẟer ‘may be given’.
iv. The 2nd sg. ending is ‑ych: r͑oẟych w.m. 4 ‘thou givest’ (mayest give), gwypych do. 14 ‘thou knowest’, gellych do. 151 (: gallaf ‘I can’). In Late W. a dialectal form ‑ech sometimes occurs, § 16 iv (2) (β), as lletteuech Ruth i 16, gweddïech Matt. vi 6, poenech Marc v 7. In the present dialects the subj. is seldom used except in the 3rd sg. and pl.; and some recent writers have used ‑ot for the 2nd sg. Even ‑ost has been written; in Wms.’s verse Marchog, Iesu the last line Tyrd am hynny maes o law 849 appears in recent hymnbooks as Pan y byddost ti gerllaw.—gellyt ZE. 512 is a misreading of gellych r.m. 220.
v. The impf. subj. is formed by adding the personal endings of the impf. to the subj. stem; thus (subj.) bei dywettut ti … (ind.) minheu a ẟywedwn w.m. 118–9 ‘if thou wouldst say … I would say’. In Late W., owing to the levelling of the subj. with the ind. stem, the distinction between the moods is not preserved in the impf., except in af, gwnaf, dof, wyf, which have special subj. stems; see i (2) above.
§ 177. Pres. Impv.—i. (1) The 2nd sg. is the bare stem of the pres. ind. It differs from the 3rd sg. pres. ind. in never having its vowel affected; thus deil ‘he holds’, dal ‘hold!’ tau ‘is silent’, taw ‘be silent!’ pair Zech. x 1 ‘causes’, pâr Ps. xxv 4 ‘cause!’
(2) Verbs which have ‑a in the 3rd sg. pres. ind. take it also in the 2nd sg. impv.: kerẟa w.m. 83, r.m. 60, llunnya w.m. 25, r.m. 16, etc., see § 173 v.
ii. (1) The 3rd sg. ends in ‑ed: kymeret w.m. 30, r.m. 19 ‘let her take’, aet un w.m. 13, r.m. 9 ‘let one go’, gadawed, dychweled Es. lv 7.
(2) A 3rd sg. in ‑id added to the subj. stem is also met with: elhid b.b. 101 (: af ‘I go’), r͑othid do. 93 ‘may he give’, gwrthleẟit Duw Ỻ.A. 26 ‘may God ward off’, Trowyr (≡ trỿ-w̯yr), getid Duw’r ieuaf G.Gl. m 146/185 ‘three men, God spare the youngest’, gettid Mair D.N. g. 154, Telid Duw iddynt M.K. [viii] ‘let God repay them’.
iii. The 3rd pl. ending is ‑ent: diskynnent w.m. 22 ‘let them descend’, katwent a.l. i 138 ‘let them keep’, traethent Ỻ.A. 159 ‘let them speak’, deuent (rh. with stent) L.G.C. 66 ‘let them come’. This is obviously formed from the 3rd sg. in ‑ed (since orig. ‑ent would have become ‑ynt). There is also a 3rd pl. bint Ỻ.A. 81 ‘let them be’ formed from bid. In the Bible a 3rd pl. in ‑ant is used: gwybyddant Ps. lix 13 ‘let them know’, dychwelant do. 14 ‘let them return’. This is a late re-formation following the analogy of the 1st and 2nd pl. which are taken over from the pres. ind. In spite of the use of
