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§ 193
Verbs
365

ethyw r.m. 104, dothwyf w.m. 459, doẟwyf do. 20, doẟyw do. 457, doẟywch, doẟym do. 475, ethynt r.b.b. 205, but tends in later mss. to be replaced by the first perf.; thus dothwyf w.m. 459 appears as deuthum in r.m. 105; doẟyw w.m. 473 as doeth in r.m. 105. D.G. and his contemporaries continued its use in poetry; afterwards it became obsolete: deddyw D.G. 4, ethyw (misspelt eithiw, euthyw) I.G. 312;

Lliw dydd a ddaw[1] lle doddyw;
Llewych haul ar y lluwch yw. D.G. 321.

‘Daylight comes where she has come; she is sunshine on the snowdrift.’ It was at this period, when the form was already an artificial survival, that it first appears for gwnaf: gwneddwyf D.G. 115, gwneddwyd do. 102, gwneddyw do. 429, gwneẟyw I.C. r.p. 1286. These imitations were shortlived.

(4) Both the first perf. in ‑th‑um and the second perf. in ‑wyf are probably original for af only. The older perfects of the other verbs are:

gwnaf: sg. 1. gorugum w.m. 226–9; sg. 2. gorugost r.m. 192; pl. 1. gorugam, 3. gorugant w.m. 227, 226; sg. 3. goruc of extremely frequent occurrence, goreu surviving in poetry, b.b. 43, M. w. 2a, E.S. m.a. i 349a, guoreu b.a. 35, 38; impers. gorucpwyt w.m. 452 (= gwnaethpwyt r.m. 100), w.m. 454, r.m. 101.

deuaf: sg. 2. dyvuost w.m. 458 (= doethost r.m. 104); sg. 3. dyvu w.m. 457 (= doeth r.m. 104), dybu M. w. 1b, 2a; pl. 3. dybuant b.t. 6, r.p. 1405, G.B. do. 1192.

(5) In Ml. W. the plup. of all three verbs was formed by means of ‑oeẟwn; as doethoeẟ Ỻ.A. 17 ‘had come’, athoeẟ w.m. 13, aẟoeẟ do. 15 ‘had gone’, gwnaethoeẟ do. 30, gvnathoeẟ do. 440, gwnathoeẟwn s.g. 198, gwnathoeẟut do. 274; dothoeẟ r.m. 200, dathoeẟ do. 197. These forms are rare in Mn. W.: rhy-wnaethoeẟ D.G. 509. The Mn. plup. is a new formation made, as in regular verbs, by adding impf. endings to the perf. stem: gwnaethwn Ezec. xxxi 9, daethwn Matt. xxv 27, aethai Luc viii 2, etc. D. also gives elswn etc.; this formation is used for gwnaf in the Bible: gwnelswn 1 Chron. xxiii 5, gwnelsei 2 Chron. xxi 6.

vii. Subjunct.—(1) The subjunct. stems are el‑, gw̯nel- and del‑; as elwyf w.m. 457, delwyf r.m. 131, elych, delych do. 237, gwnelych w.m. 456, delhich b.b. 84, gwneloch w.m. 475, elont r.m. 34, elwynt b.a. 2; elhut b.b. 56, delhei do. 96; elher do. 33.

The peculiarity of the pres. subj. with these stems is that the 3rd sg. lacks the usual ending ‑o (or ‑wy); thus a phan el efyny el ef w.m. 22 ‘and when he goes … until he goes’, val nat el neb do. 49 ‘so that no one may go’, Y kyn a el, hwnnw a orẟir r.b. 1063 ‘the chisel that will go, that [is the one] that is hammered’, Guledic … a’n gunel in r̔it (iy, t) b.b. 40 ‘may the Lord make us free’, y dit y del paup do. 41 ‘the day when each will come’. So in Mn. W.; thus, expressing a wish: Dêl i’th fryd dalu i’th frawd D.G. 34 ‘may it come to thy mind to repay thy brother’, cf. 341;
  1. Misprinted y daw.