‘a whistle’, M.Ir. fetán, Welsh chwythu; gαd, ‘withe’, M.Ir. gat, Gothic gazds, Lat. hasta; k′αd, ‘permission’, O.Ir. cet; N′αd, ‘nest’, M.Ir. net, Ohg. nest. iii. nt gave dd with compensatory lengthening, e.g. d′ɛəd, ‘row of teeth’, O.Ir. dét, Welsh dant, Lat. dentem; ɛəd, ‘jealousy’, O.Ir. ét, Gaulish Iantu-marus; f′ɛədəm, ‘I may’, M.Ir. fétaim; k′ɛəd, ‘hundred’, O.Ir. cét, Welsh cant, Lat. centum.
After r Prim. Keltic d remains but not after l, n, e.g. ɔ:rd, ‘sledge-hammer’, O.Ir. ordd, Welsh ordd; k′ɛrd′ = ceird for ceard, ‘trade, profession’, M.Ir. cerd, Welsh cerdd, Gk. κέρδος. Similarly in Lat. loan-words, e.g. ɔ:rd, ‘order’, O.Ir. ord, Lat. ordo.
§ 397. In earlier loan-words medial and final d corresponds to a Romance or Engl. t which was received as a lenis and later became d. In the earliest borrowings we find th = Lat t, v. Pedersen p. 170. Examples – bα:d, ‘boat’, M.Ir. bát, O.E. bát, Norse bátr; b′αrαd, ‘cap’, Di. bairéad, < Low Lat. birretum; klo̤gəd, ‘helmet’, M.Ir. cloc-att, Norse hattr, Engl. hat; pα:drik′, ‘Patrick’, O.Ir. Patricc, Lat. Patricius; p′αdər, ‘Peter’, Lat. Petrus; sö̤:d, ‘flint’, O.Ir. saiget, < Lat. sagitta; sp′ïrəd, ‘spirit’, O.Ir. spirut, Lat. spiritus; stαd, ‘stop’, founded on Lat. status; t′ïdəl, ‘title’, Lat. titulus; u:dər, ‘author’, O.Ir. auctor. t probably became a lenis in pretonic syllables (Pedersen p. 153), whence the d of də, ‘your’, də, ‘to’; dir′ f′iə, ‘by my faith’, Di. dar, O.Ir. tar. The pronominal suffix of the second pers. sing. used after prepositions in Donegal is always d, e.g. f′r′i:d, ‘through you’; fu:d, ‘below you’; rõ:d, ‘before you’; əgəd, ‘with you’.
§ 398. In other loan-words medial or final d corresponds to Engl. d, e.g. bɔ:rdi: er′, ‘approximately’, < Engl. border; m′i:du:n, ‘meadow’; pα:rdu:n, ‘pardon’; skαdαn, ‘herring’, M.Ir. scatan, < O.E. sceadda, Engl. shad; spαdαNtə, ‘seedy, exhausted’, Lat. spado; spα:d, ‘spade’.
§ 399. kruədαlαχ, ‘hardy’, Di. cruadhalach, cruadálach, probably owes its d to fαdαlαχ, ‘slow’, = fad-dálach. ə N′o̤məd, ‘great number’, o̤mədu:l′, ‘numerous’, ə N′o̤mətə = ə N′o̤məd, go back to O.Ir. imbed which should give *ïm′uw. Judging from the spellings immat, iumat, imat in Atk., imat (Laws), the modern form with d already occurred in M.Ir. Can the d be due to form-association with O.Ir. méit, mét, which is closely allied in meaning? dæg′αn, ‘depths’, M.Ir. oician has got its d from do:n′, ‘deep’.
