government of other nations; she uniformly gave her countenance, and if necessary her aid, to consolidate the de facto governments which arose in Europe or America." To recognize the Confederate States as an independent power would be to give her countenance to consolidate a de facto government in America which is already supported by a force strong enough to defend it against all probable assaults. To withhold that recognition would certainly encourage the armed intervention of a government, now foreign to us, for the purpose of altering the internal government of the Confederate States of America. In his letter of December 3d, 1859, to Lord A. Loftus, in regard to the controversy between Austria and her provinces, he says: "We, at least, are convinced that an authority restored by force of arms constantly opposed by the national wishes would afford no solid and durable basis for the pacification and welfare of Italy." Is not this sentiment still more applicable to the contest now being waged between the United States and the Confederate States? Again, in his dispatch of November 26th, 1859, to Earl Cowley, he declared that "It would be an invidious task to discuss the reasons which, in the view of the people of Central Italy, justified their acts. It will be sufficient to say that since the peace of 1815 Her Majesty's predecessors have recognized the separation of the Spanish Colonies in South America from Spain; of Greece, from the dominion of the Sultan; and of Belgium from Holland. In the opinion of Her Majesty's Government, the reasons adduced in favor of these separations were not stronger than those which have been alleged at Florence, Parma, Modena and Bologna in justification of the course the people of those States have pursued." Were the reasons "alleged" in the States of Florence, Parma, Modena and Bologna, whose people are thus assumed to be the judges in a matter so nearly touching their happiness as their internal government, at all stronger than those "alleged" by the people of the eleven sovereign States now confederated together for withdrawing from a Union formed by a voluntary compact upon conditions which were persistently violated and with covenants essential to their domestic repose openly threatened to be broken? But appended to this letter of instructions you will find more extended extracts from the letters here referred to, for your especial reference. There is yet another question of great practical importance to us and to the world, which you will present on the first proper occasion to Her Britannic Majesty's Government. It was declared by the five great powers at the Con-
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