smooth and strong. He reminds one of some great bird, which flounders on the earth for a while before it acquires impetus to sustain its soaring flight." His practice paid him only between five and six thousand dollars, although it ex ceeded that of any other lawyer in Virginia. A French peer, the Duke de Liancourt, who was travelling in this country a little later, said of him: "Mr. J. Marshall, con spicuously eminent as a professor of the law, is beyond all doubt one of those who rank highest in the public opinion at Richmond. He is what is called a Federalist, and, per haps, at times, somewhat warm in support of his opinions, but never exceeding the bounds of propriety, which a man of his goodness, prudence and knowledge is in capable of transgressing. His political en emies allow him to possess great talents, but accuse him of ambition." The great lawyer, William Wirt, gave this advice to a lawyer friend : " Aim ex clusively at strength. From Marshall's emi nent success I say, if I had my life to go over again, I would practice on his maxim with the most vigorous severity, until the character of my mind was established. Imi tate John Marshall's and Locke's simple process of reasoning. The world will ever give its sanction to this as the truest criterion of superior minds." The paper which contained a full state ment and defense of the American policy towards France, sent by the envoys to the minister (Talleyrand) of foreign affairs, to be presented to the directory, was drafted by General Marshall. It evidences through out that penetrating insight into the hidden meaning of things which ever distinguished him. Upon his return from France a din ner was given him by both houses of Con gress, and at it one of the toasts was the well known sentiment: "Millions for defense, but not a cent for tribute." Patrick Henry wrote to Mr. Blair of Richmond : " General Marshall and his
colleagues exhibited the American charac ter as respectable. France in the period of her most triumphant fortune beheld them as unappalled. Her threats left them as she found them, mild, temperate and firm." President Adams wrote to a friend : " My new minister, Marshall, does all to my entire satisfaction." The biographer of Secretary Wolcott says : " With regard to Marshall's doing everything to the Presi dent's satisfaction, everyone who knew Mar shall knew that he possessed to an extraor dinary degree the faculty of putting his own ideas into the minds of others, unconscious ly to them. The secret of Mr. Adams's satis faction was, that he obeyed his secretary of state without being aware of it." General Marshall's instructions to Rufus King, our minister to England, respecting the claims of British creditors and neutral rights, evince his usual sagacity and firmness. He wrote to Mr. King: "The United Stales do not hold themselves responsible to France or to Great Britain for their negotiations with either of those powers, but they are ready to make amicable and reasonable explanations to either. The aggressions, sometimes of one and some times of another belligerent power, have forced us to contemplate and prepare for war as a probable event. We have repelled, and we will continue to repel, injuries not doubtful in their nature, and hostilities not to be misunderstood. But this is a situation of necessity, not of choice; it is one in which we are all placed, not by our ow:n acts, but by the acts of others, and which we will change as soon as the conduct of others will allow us to change it." While secretary of state, General Marshall wrote the following letter to Alexander Hamilton in regard to the candidates for the presidency, Jefferson and Burr: " I cannot bring myself to aid Mr. Jefferson. Perhaps respect for myself, should, in my present situation (head of the state depart ment) deter me from using my influence, if
