Robert J. Walker opened his library to him; now they were contesting for a great office before the peo ple, but like the great Poindexter, he too went down before the "little magician," as he was sometimes called. Senator Walker's career as a statesman was not only a brilliant one in many ways, but he was one of the greatest constructive statesmen of his time. His connection with the public lands by virtue of his chairman ship of that committee no doubt suggested to him the first Homestead Bill which he suc cessfully brought forward in 1836. The Pre-emption Act, originated by him in 1841, became a law m 1844. These provisions for the disposal of the public lands have been far-reaching in importance in the settlement of the West and South. They encourage the establishment of homes and the opening up of the country by actual and permanent settlers. A quotation from a speech of Senator Walker's made in 1836 while chairman of the committee on public lands may both il lustrate his character and at the same time give a pleasant aroma of by-gone days. The question before the Senate was whether the government should continue the receipt of bank notes for public lands, as recommended by the committee. Senator Benton had as sailed vigorously the committee's action. Here are excerpts from his reply: "Sir, being deeply solicitous to preserve unbroken the ranks of the Democratic party in this body, participating with the people in grateful recollection of the distinguished ser vice rendered by the senator from Missouri to the Democracy of the Union, he would pass by many of the remarks made by the senator on this subject. "Mr. Benton here arose from his chair and demanded with much warmth that Mr. Walker should not pass by one of them. Mr. Walker asked what one? Mr. Benton re plied in an angry tone, Not one, sir. Then Mr. Walker said he would examine them all,
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and in a spirit of perfect freedom; that he would' endeavor to return blow for blow, and that, if the senator from Missouri desired, as it apeared that he did, an angry controversy with him, in all its consequences, in and out of this house, he could be gratified." Later on, in the same speech he said: "Yes, even then he would have passed lightly over the ashes of the theories of the honorable senator, for, if he desired to make assaults on any, it would be upon the living, and not upon the dead; but that senator, in the opening of his address, had rejected the olive branch, which, upon the urgent solici tation of mutual friends, against his own judgment, he had extended to the honorable senator. The senator from Missouri had thus, in substance, declared his 'voice was still for war.' Be it so; but he hoped the Senate would recollect that he was not the aggressor; and that, whilst he trusted he never would wantonly assail the feelings or reputation of any senator, he thanked God that he was not so abject or degraded as to submit, with impunity, to unprovoked attacks or unfounded accusations from any quarter. Could he thus submit, he would be unfit to represent the noble, generous, and gallant people, whose rights and interests it was his pride and glory to endeavor to protect, whose honor and character were dearer to him than life itself, and should never be tarnished by any act of his, as one of their humble repre sentatives upon this floor. Nothing could better illustrate the pug nacity of Mr. Walker than this speech when it is remembered that he was young in both years and experience and insignificant in ap pearance, and that his antagonist was the great and pompous senator from Missouri. The recognition of the independence of Texas by Congress and her admission into the sisterhood of States were favorite meas ures of the Mississippi senator. A few months after he entered the Senate he called attention to the struggle of Texas. Later
