The Writings of Carl Schurz/From Thomas F. Bayard, May 8th, 17th, 1886
FROM THOMAS F. BAYARD
Since I received your letter of the 6th inst., I have not seen the President, but I believe I know enough of him and his sentiments to give no force or weight to the tenor of complaint by him of the attitude of the Independents toward his Administration, which the newspaper cutting you sent me contains. The truth is that the public press serves just now as the mouthpiece of discontent in all its forms—from the growl of the disappointed officeseeker to the venomous assault of the defeated jobber. If the public interests are to be advanced, the petty rivulets of individual profits must be closed up, and the latter process is painful, the former duty generally thankless.
If I may speak of that portion of public affairs which pass under my own hand and eye, I could give you a score of private interests which have been interfered with by my presence in the State Department, the vexation of each of which would account for all the published expressions of desire to have some other person in my place.
If I wanted to describe the position and objects of the President, I should say that he cares less to please anybody than to render true and permanent public service. I believe it pains him when those who supported him in the canvass from independent and personally disinterested motives express a want of faith in his steadfastness in that line of administration which he promised he would follow. Standing where he does, viewing the field of battle in every direction, he comprehends practical difficulties and deficiencies of means to overcome them, that others cannot see or comprehend. In the first place the imperfect nature of party success in 1884, which transferred the Executive control to a Democratic President but left the Senate in the hands of a well-drilled Republican majority, which in turn was compelled to conciliate a faction especially profligate and opposed to all reform in the “Readjusting” element of Mahone and Riddleberger.
Of the House of Representatives I can only say that it consisted of “solid” delegations from the Southern States, whose only bond of political unity was safety from negro and carpet-bag domination, and a party name. As to all questions of administration—fiscal policies and foreign policies—quot homines tot sententiæ.
To put an end to jobbery in its many phases was a logical duty, and as you know it consists more in negation than in affirmation. I really believe all men who really love honesty per se and hate its opposite, must feel wholly satisfied with the President's course so far as measures and administrative methods are concerned.
The reform of the civil service was the more difficult because it had to be commenced so abruptly, and in such sharp contrast with the system it was intended to replace. Therefore it could not arise per saltum at a point of complete accomplishment, but of its substantial progress there can be no reasonable denial. When I look over this Department and see one single removal (for inebriety) and the place filled by a learned international jurist (Dr. Wharton)—and the entire clerical force left to enjoy conscientious self-respect in the performance of duty—I feel that the highest demands of civil service have been fully met.
Since Mr. Cleveland's inauguration no such obstruction to civil service reform—no such contempt for every honest effort in its behalf—no such withholding of aid has been exhibited as the Republican majority of the United States Senate has furnished. Surrounded thus by disappointed partisans of his own party and without even a single just critic, much less an assistant, in the Congressional ranks of his opponents, I can see the difficulty of the President's course, but I believe it will be this—to obliterate lines of geographical and sectional prejudices and animosities, to dispel all apprehension of oppression or injustice by the African race, to cause honesty and efficiency to be the prevailing elements in filling offices, to prevent public power from perversion to the ends of private profit, and at the close of his term to secure an opportunity for the people of the United States to pass judgment at the polls without official interference or corruption or intimidation and freely to select his successor.
I must believe that you are satisfied that such has been and will be the course of the President and his Administration, and that when you contrast it with what would have been in case of Blaine's election, you must not only feel satisfied with the important influence you exerted in the canvass of 1884, but glad and grateful that the opportunity to render so great and patriotic service was vouchsafed to you.
My dear Schurz, the struggle between the elements that save and those that destroy society will never cease, and no man with your heart or brain can ever look coolly on and witness the conflict without anxiety. I not only do not wonder at, but I expect from you, criticisms that betray your vexation with every indication of weakness or unwisdom in a party administration or management, to whom so much of importance has been entrusted. Only this—do not hold the President responsible for a condition of things he did not create, and with which he is honestly endeavoring to do the best he can, and that, too, without abandoning certain canons of political and personal integrity, which we agree are essentials. There are elements of passion and mercenary interest striving to mould party organizations to their own purposes, and dexterous politicians are seeking to place themselves in line and receive the propulsive power. They are——
May 17th. Here I was stopped in my letter, which I would destroy if I felt any confidence that I would get time to write another.
I feel quite sure that the movement which so awakened public conscience in 1884, and which had no advocate more potential than yourself, has not ceased—that it is still aroused [and] will, I trust, save the country from the fate which threatened it at the hands of mercenary organizations.
It is very difficult to get time for personal correspondence, but I am always glad to hear from you whether you shall praise or blame the work in which I am associated.
Suppose you come here and take a closer look at it! I will be most glad to give you a room in my house; although grief has clouded it of late, still I wish you would come.
This is a fearfully rambling answer, but it has been made amid many interruptions.