Threats to the peaceful observance of the bicentennial/Statement of Kintner

Dr. Kintner. Thank you, Mr. Chairman,

I am honored to have this opportunity to appear before the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security for the purpose of testifying on "Threats to the Peaceful Observance of the Bicentennial." Before I embark on my presentation, I believe it would be in order to say something about my qualifications to discuss this matter and about the combination of circumstances which led to the preparation of the paper I shall be presenting to you today.

Currently, I am a professor of Political Science of the University of Pennsylvania and President of the Foreign Policy Research Institute, Inc. From November 1973 to March 1975, I was the U.S. Ambassador to Thailand. From 1940 to 1961, I served in the U.S. Army, retiring as a colonel. During that time I held many responsible positions in different agencies of the U.S. Government.

I have had a long-standing interest in revolutionary and political warfare. The dissertation for which I received my doctorate from Georgetown University in 1949 focused on the organization and operation of the Communist Party. After some moflification, the dissertation was later published by the University of Oklahoma Press under the title, "The Front Is Everywhere." In the dozen or so books I have written or coauthored, I have attempted to analyze many aspects of the strategy and tactics of human conflict. In one book in particular, "The New Frontier of War," I examined the range of activities embraced by the term "political warfare." My coauthor, Joseph Z. Kornfedder, was a student at the Lenin School in Moscow during 1929 and organizer of the Communist Parties of Venezuela and Colombia. He left the Communist movement in the late thirties for moral reasons but I received many practical insights from him on the finer points of revolutionary activity.

As Miss Rountree has pointed out, the research on which my presentation today is based stems from a conversation we had some 2 months ago. We were both concerned over the evidence that there might be destruction and violence during the July 4 celebrations, and we proceeded on the assumption that a public disclosure of all of the available information might serve to discourage those who are planning the disruptions. Accordingly, we have sought in our research to create an intelligence mosaic embracing the available information about the organizations involved in the Bicentennial counterdemonstrations.

What are the sources of our information ?

In the first place there are many public documents. By public, I don't mean that you can purchase them at your neighborhood newsstand or your neighborhood bookstore. There are documents like Osawatomie, theoretical organ of the Weather Underground; Dragon, organ of the Bay Area Research Collective which serves as a kind of

collective theoretical publication for the entire complex of terrorist groups on the west coast; and a more recent publication. The Urban Guerrilla (TUG), published by one of the major terrorist groups on the west coast, the New Worlcl Liberation Front. "V^Hiile the general public does not have access to these publications, they can be pur- chased — ^legally — sometimes by subscription, or always at far-left bookstores in our major cities. Carefully read, the publication tells us a tremendous amount about the thinking and the planning of the ter- Torist groups in our country and about the interlocking relationships between them. On top of this information, much information is avail- able from internal discussion bulletins that occasionaly leak out of the terrorist underground, either because some of their members are care- less or because — as is inevitably the case with such groups — certain of their members become disaffected. I have here some samples of such interaal discussion bulletins.

Finally, there are the valuable and heavily documented hearings on terrorist groups and other extremist groups, conducted by your sub- committee in recent years.

The problem was to pull all this information together and try to create a meaningful pattern. Although a number of people have aided this work, I particularly want to recognize the meticulous research and the tireless efforts of Harvey Sicherman and Adam Garfinkel of the Foreign Policy Research Institute. I have gone over their material most carefully in the preparation of the statement which follows.


Over the past decade, political terrorism on an international scale has become one of the ugliest and most pressing problems confronting the community of free nations. Most of the organizations involved internationally belong to the far left. A few of these organizations consider themselves anarchist or would have to be considered an- archist. By far the majority of the left-wing terrorist organizations, however, regard INIarx and Lenin as their principal patron saints, even though they may divide in their worship of auxiliary saints like Mao. Che Guevara. Regis Debray, Carlos jSIarighella, and Leon Trot- sky. TeiTorism is also a weapon of the far right — especially in a num- ber of Latin American countries.

The use of force to achieve political objectives is, of course, nothing new ; this is what every war in history has been about. But there are im- portant differences between the force employed by armies in time of war, and the force employed by modern terrorists. In the conduct of war, an effort has been made by civilized nations, particularly in re- cent centuries, to limit the horror by distinguishing between com- batants and noncombatants, by recognizing the deliberate killing of noncombatants as "war crimes," and by entering into conventions governing the mutual protection of prisoners of war. Modern terror- ism, in contradistinction, recognizes no such moral limitations on its actions. With the terrorists, such a thing as noncombatant status does not exist. Prisoners taken — most of them noncombatants by any stand- ard — are frequently murdered in cold blood. And in many cases tlie terrorists have deliberately massacred innocent men, women and chil- dren, as they did in the Loci Airport shooting, in the LaGuardia bomb

ina". ill the bombinjii of crowded pubs and restaurants in Eno:land, and in their several attempts to slioot down passenger aircraft. The in- discriminate and merciless nature of the force applied by modern terrorists in pursuit of their political objectives is something which flies in the face of all civilization.

Terrorism opei-ates at two dili'erent levels. Sometimes it is directed ao-ainst physical objectives like banks or utilities— often under circum- stances that may involve a heav}^ loss of life. ]More frequently, it is directed against human targets, using kidnapings, assassinations and bombings as weapons. ^\'hile terrorists may consider kidnapings and assassinations to be discriminating weapons because the victims are generally corporate executives or government otHcials, even such ac- tions are basically undiscriminating in the sense that the victims are selected only on the basis of their membership in the "enem}' class." As for the bombings of public places, or the mass shootings, or attacks on aircraft, even the terrorists do not pretend that they are exercising any discrimination.

\Yhether they attack physical objectives, or whether they engage in kidnapings, assassinations or bombings, the teiTorists pursue the same objectives. Essentially their actions, as the word implies, are calculated to "terrorize."

First, they seek to make what they call "armed propaganda," and in this way to build their movements. As a corollary of this, they seek either to provoke an excessively harsh reaction on the part of the au- thorities — which plays into their hands by alienating large numbers of people; or else to compel the authorities or business corporations to capitulate to their demands — which obviously, also plays into their hands; or else to reduce the government to a floundering or paralytic reaction — which, again, is grist to the mill of extremist exploitation. In their assault on the authority of government, they seek essentially to create an image of a government unable to protect its people or its society. And by destabilizing the government in these ways, the num- erous IMarxist terrorist groups at large in the free world hope to pave the way for a Marxist takeover, while in certain countries right-wing terrorist groups may be thinking in terms of a rightist dictatorship. To put things in balance, however, it must be noted that right-wing terrorism is a much more limited phenomenon than left-wing terror- ism, less cohesive, less ideological, and national rather than interna- tional in its outlook. To the extent that there is some kind of loose terrorist "international" today, it is a Marxist-Leninist terrorist international.

"While political terrorism predates the industrial revolution, its practice has been facilitated increasingly by the spread of m.odern technology. The modern terrorist relies upon four major features of the modern world to advance his work : ( 1 ) the intrinsic vulnerability of modern democratic industrial societies, (2) the speed of modern transport and communications, which give him quick access and escape and ease of plamiing, (3) the power and convenience of modern v.caponi'y and explosives which enhances his capacity to destroy and (-1) above all, the huge audience created by the electronic media, which insures that the fear and loathing his crimes inspire will be felt by wast numbers. Particularly in free societies, where gi-eat value is placed

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upon ease of movement and imfetterecl communications, the terrorist enjoys si<rnificant advantages. Furthermore we are living^ in a time wJien people can travel o-reat distances in a matter of hours and count- less millions are aware of distant events. Thus, it is no surprise that a distinctive characteristic of modern terror is the "slaughter of inno- cents,'* for there are many more innocents accessible to terrorists than there were before and the tarj^et of the terrorists — often in a different part of the world than the victim — is more easily frightened through the media. The impression produced by the crime is the link between the terrorist, victim, and target. And the target's reaction will deter- mJTie the success or failure of the terrorist's cause.

There is one other characteristic of modern terrorism I should like to emphasize. Some observers try to distinguish between domestic and international terror. The technologies of transport and communica- tions make this distinction dubious. Unless the reporting of an event is censored and the affairs of a single state can be hidden from the view of the rest of the world, a politically motivated terror attack automatically engenders international consequences. Furthermore, the terrorists rely heavily on access to foreign training, arms, and sanc- tuaries; their effect upon international "public opinion" is critical to their success. A world where political disputation is rife, general war is too dangerous, and a common consensus on minimal political values is lacking, provides an ideal breeding gi'ound for terrorism. Modern political terrorism is international virtually by definition.


All events which enjoy heavy international media coverage must be considered "terrorist prone events because they provide the terrorists with supreme opportunities to make their presence known to the world through "armed propaganda and to spread terror and uncertainty among free nations and free men. This is true of the Olympics because of the lieavy international coverage they receive in the press and on TV; and it is also true of the upcoming celebration of our Bicentennial in ^Washington and Philadelphia.

From everything we know about their thinking, there is reason to be concerned that the terrorist elements in our society will find the Bicentennial an irresistible attraction — not only because the eyes of the world will be focused on the Bicentennial festivities, but also be- cause they regard the celebration itself with consuming hostility, since it stands for everything they are opposed to.

The theme of our Bicentennial Celebration is "freedom." This July 4, to celebrate our freedoms, millions of American citizens, in every city of our country, will be participating in Bicentennial observances — nationally sponsored in the case of Washington and Philadelphia, locally sponsored in the case of other cities. The July 4 observances celebrate the 200th anniversary of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, one of the great historic documents of human liberty. The Declaration and the struggle which brought about these United States of America two centuries ago established "government by the jicople, of the people, and for the people. It is our proud achievement as a Nation that we have not betrayed the promise of the American Revolution and that we live in one of the freest, most productive soci- eties on Earth.

America has not achieved perfection, and vSome of our imperfections are all too obvious. But we have presen-ed the democratic process which allovA's for the expression of the majority will while protecting the minority's rights. This process remains the surest and best route for the remedy of just grievances. It was for the sake of this process that our forefathers waged war against Great Britain ; and we shall continue to enjoy liberty so long as this process forms the heart of our political system.

The celebration o,f our Nation's birth is obviously distasteful to those who do not believe in democracy, who would impose the will of a minority upon the majority, and who prefer the logic of force because their tortured arguments have failed to convince their fellow man.

Xot very surprisingly, therefore, the extremist minorities which hate America and everything it stands for have been talking in terms of disrupting, or spoiling, the Bicentennial. A leader of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party has talked about "turning the Bicentennial upside down." A leader of the American Indian Movement told a Chicago conference in February of this year, "when they light the candles on the 200 3'ear birthday cake, we will be there to blow them out." The terrorist Weather Underground has talked about bringing the fireworks," and this slogan has been repeated by some of those in charge of a planned mass demonstration in Philadelphia.

It does not take great imagination to conceive of the possible conse- quences abroad if scenes of mass disorders and maj-hem in Philadel- phia and Washington seem to confirm recent impressions that the United States is an irresolute society paralyzed by domestic dissension.

It is my hope that none o,f this will come about, that the organi- zations in question will abstain from violence on July 4, out of the simple realization that nothing could more effectively turn the Ameri- can people against them. But a prudent regard for public safety requires that we pay some credence to the statements of these organi- zations and that we carefully examine their track records so that we will be better able to anticipate their intentions and their capabilities.

That is what I propose to do today.


Terrorist actions by revolutionai'v groups have taken place in the United States sporadically since 1968 but they increased dramatically during the past few years. In 1973. there were 24 bombings attribut- able to terrorists; this increased to 45 in 1974 and 89 in 1975. Violence- prone revolutionaries have boasted publicly that they intend to expand their violence during the 1976 Bicentennial celebration, beginning in 1976 and nmning through 1980. FBI Director Clarence Kelley has warned us that terrorist activities during the Bicentennial are being planned, and only 2 weeks ago Attorney General Levi instructed the FBI to do an intelligence round-up on the Jnly 4 Coalition, which is planning a mass demonstration in Philadelphia on July 4.

The celebrations in Washington and Philadelphia on July 4 offer particularly tempting targets for the terrorists to engage in "armed propaganda" — the euphemism they use to justify their deadly ac- tions — because on that occasion the eves of the entire world will be

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focused oil them. As one of the leaders of the Puerto Ivican Socialist Party, which plays a central role in the July 4th Coalition, put the matter :

For the Puerto Ricans in the U.S. the Bicentennial is important in many ways * =" * they have invited the Pope and QTieen Elizabetli, the King of Spain, etc. * * * the eyes of the whole world will be riveted on the answer that we all iiive to the shameless pretenses of the North American ruling class (Claridad, Mar. 5, 1976).

, The organizations plannino; to disrupt the Bicentennial come from both the so-called Old Left and New Left. and. despite some very real differences, almost all of them consider themselves Marxist- Leninist.

There is a widespread belief that Lenin disapproved o.f terrorist actions and that the Communist Party and other Marxist-Leninist organizations, for this reason, still shun political terrorism in favor of mass action. This should not mislead us.

All groups that consider themselves Marxist-Leninists defend the use of terrorism at some stage of the revolutionary process. Lenin taught the utility of terrorist actions in these words:

The propagandists must supply each group with brief and simple recipes for making bombs, give them an elementary explanation of the type of work, and then leave it all to them. Squads must at once begin military training by launch- ing operations immediately, at once. Some may at once undertake to kill a spy or l»low up a police station, others to raid a bank, to confiscate funds for the insurrection, others again may drill or prepare plans of localities, and so forth. But the essential thing is to begin at once to learn from actual practice. Have no fear of these trial attacks. They may, of course, degenerate into extremes, but that is the evil of the morrow, whereas the evil of today is our inertness, our doctrinaire spirit, our learned immobility, and our senile fear of initiative.^

Your subcommittee only a year ago took testimony from a distin- British citizen, Mr. Brian Crozier, dirertor of the London Institute for the Study of Conflict, who establislied that Moscow operates a number of trainina; schools for guerrillas and terrorists from other countries — both for Communists and non-Comnnmists. North Korea, North Vietnam, Czechoslovakia, and Cuba also operate terrorist training centers and provide logistical support for them.

Dissident INIarxist-Leninist oro-anizations also support or engage in terrorism. The major American Trotskvite organization, the Socialist Workers Party, for example, is part of the terrorist Fourth Interna- tional. "While they do not advocate terrorism in the United States right now, they do not rule it out as a future tactic. The SWP gives financial and other support to the Fourth International and to sections of the Fourth International which openly engage in terrorist actiA'ities in other coinitries. All this has been massively documented in hearings before your subcommittee.

Tlie mass demonstrations that are beino; planned for July 4 could provide dramatic platforms for ]\Lirxist-Leninist terrorists. Marxist- liCTiinist theory condemns individual aots of terrorism if they are not linked to a mass movement. However, it justifies the acts of terrorism wlien they are linked to mass revolutionai"y movements. Because of this, it becomes incumbent upon the sup]>ort apparatus for the under- ground terrorists to organize the mass movements which will justify their terrorist acts.

��1 Lenin, "Collected Works," vol. 9, pp. 345, 346. Progress Publishers (In English), Moscow, 1972.

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Pe.iliaps it is for this reason the primary targets are in AVasliington and Pliiladelpliia, where presumably the greatest "masses" Avill be found. Because of the significance attached to mass actions as the forum for terror by these gr-oups, it may be useful to examine the demonstrations planned for July 4 and possible involvement of vio- lence prone organizations.


Major demonstrations and marches are planned for both Wash- ington and Philadelphia on July 4. Demonstrations are also being planned for Los Angeles, San Francisco, San Antonio, and other cities on July 4; and a followup demonstration is being planned in New York City at the time of the Democratic Party Convention.

The Philadelphia demonstration gives the greatest reason for con- cern because the July 4 Coalition, which is planning the demonstration, is commanded by the Prairie P^ire Organizing Committee, a support organization for the Weather Underground, and by the Puerto Rican Socialist Part}^ a Castroite organization which supports the terrorist activities of the Puerto Rican Armed Forces of National Liberation (FxVLX). Also involved in the plans for the Philadelphia demonstra- tion are other radical groups, ranging from the Connnunist Party,- Socialist Workers Party, Guardian. Workers World Party, and the Tippies (the Youth International ]*arty). to an array of violence prone organizations like the Black Panthers, the American Indian ^lovement. and the Palestine Solidarity Committee. Heading the July 4th Coalition is Alfredo Lopez, a leader of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, fonnerly identified with the proterrorist tendency in the Socialist Workers Party.

A. The Weather Z^nderground Organization and the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee

The Weather Underground is without question the most important organization we have to consider because of the key role being played by its public support organization, the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- mittee, in the planning of the Philadelphia rally and in coordinating the activities of the participating groups.'

The AYeather Underground terrorist organization evolved out of the Weatherman faction of the Students for a Democratic Society when that organization split in 1969.

- The Communist Party representative to the July 4th Coalition is Grace Mora, Chairman of the CPUSA Puerto Rican Commission and a member of the Party's Central Committee. Some of the literature put out by the July 4th Coalition su^sests that It is a formal coalition of organizations. Other literature lists names, with a notation that organizational affilia- tion is intended for purposes of identification only. However this may be. it can be taken for granted that Grace Mora, as a member of the CP Central Committee, would not be participating in the July 4th Coalition without the complete approval of the central committee.

In lf)68 the CP had provided logistical support to the demonstrations against the Democratic Party Convention in Chicago. However, no CPUSA members were arrested in the violence. Legal and medical facilities were organized months In advance by members and friends of the Communist Party. The office set up in Chicago to organize the demon- strators, was paid for by the Communist Party. This was first revealed in hearings before the House Committee on Un-American Activities held in December 1968. The information was recently confirmed in confidential FBI reports released by the Church committee.

' Most of the information contained in this section is documented in the extensive hearings of the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security dealing with "The Extent of Subversion in the New Left" and the hearings of the House Internal Security Committee on the subject of the SDS.

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The reasons for the split were complex, but they had little to do with the relative militancy of the contending- factions. On the one hand, there was the Worker-Student Alliance, a Maoist tendency which sought control of SDS. On the other hand, there was the Weatherman faction and the Revolutionary Youth ISIovement II, both considering themselves Marxist-Leninist and both supporting the use of violence. E.YM II subsequently splintered into half a dozen revolutionary grouping;s, and some of these split again. The most infamous oH'spring of RYM II, incidentally, was the Symbionese Liberation Army.^ In contrast, the Weatherman faction has survived mostly intact, despite changes in outlook and activity.

In October 1969, approximately 600 members of the Weatherman faction came together in Chicago for 4 days of violent street demon- strations. The "Days of Rage," as they haA^e become known, ran from October 8 to 11. With slogans such as "Bring the War Home" and "We're going to burn the city down," the Weathermen broke windows and attacked the Chicago Police Department and passers-by on the streets. A Weathennan leaflet distributed in New York City high schools after the Chicago action said, "In Chicago, we attacked the homes and businesses of the rich bastards who profit oft' war and op- pression. We did a million dollars' worth of damage and sent 60 pigs to the hospital, including Richard Elrod, Corporation Counsel for Chicago * * *."

The first act of violence perpetrated during the "Days of Rage" was the bombing of a statue of a policeman at Haymarket Square. This is the first known bombing incident connected with the Weather Underground.

xVs a result of effective undercover work by the Chicago Police De- partment, the Weathermen did not succeed. Apf)roximately half of the 600 members who came to Chicago were under arrest by the time the demonstrations were over. Many Weathermen were injured in the course of fighting with the police.

On October 22, 1969, the leadership of the Weatherman faction, which called itself the "Weather Bureau," met in a motol in Oregon, Illinois. The most prominent members of the Weather Bureau at that time were Bernardine Dohrn and Mark Rudd.^ The discussion ap- parently concluded that confrontations with the police could not work and the Weatherman faction, now to be called the Weather LTnder- ground, began organizing clandestine terrorist activities.

Another "war council," held from December 27 to 31, 1969, in Flint, Mich., brought together approximately 500 supporters and niembers of the Weather movement. The conference ratified the decision that the Weathermen should go underground and begin acts of violence and terrorism. Subsequent to the "war council," Weather cadres were dispersed to various key locations around the country to build under- ground collectives and above-ground support groups to aid the work of the underground. Weatherman bombings began in various parts of the country, particularly on the two coasts. The bombings were directed both against property and against individuals, particularly police officers.

  • See "The West Coast Terrorist Movement," p. 127.

» Other members of the We.nther Bureau at that time included John G. Jaoobs. Linda livans. William Charles Ayers. Jeffrey Jones, Terry Robbins, James Gerald Mellon, Gerald \v. Long, and Howard Machtinger.

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Among the more spectacular terrorist acts committed by the Weather Underground have been—

The bombing of the San Francisco Park Police Station on February 16, 1970, with a dynamite bomb loaded with staples. This bombing killed one police officer and injured eight others;
The bombing of the New York City Police headquarters on June 9, 1970;
The bombing of the U.S. Capitol on February 28, 1971;
The bombing of the Department of Corrections in California on August 30, 1971;
The bombing of the State Department on January 29, 1975.

The March 6, 1970, explosion of a townhouse in New York in which three members of the Weather Underground were killed while making antipersonnel bombs, caused a great deal of dissension and discussion within the movement. Many of the Weather Underground supporters were shocked by the antipersonnel nature of the bombs. Because the Weather Underground had not taken responsibility for the San Francisco Park Police Station bombing, the supporters were unaware that such bombs had already been used. Despite dissension and a number of defections, the hard core members remained, however, and they boast that they have been responsible for more than 25 bombings since 1970.[1]

It is of interest to note that a number of the leaders of the Weather Underground met with the Vietcong officials in Havana or Eastern Europe prior to going underground. It is also worth noting that all of the leaders and most of the members of the Weather Underground have been to Communist Cuba[2], some of them with the so-called Venceremos Brigade, a continuing organization which purports to be a movement of enthusiastic volunteer sugar cane cutters, but which, in reality—as evidence before your subcommittee has documented—has been an instrument of the Cuban General Directorate of Intelligence for indoctrinating young Americans, training some of them in the art or urban guerrilla warfare, and recruiting others for the DGI.

One of the researchers who helped prepare this paper was recently able to conduct a series of in-depth interviews with a former member of the Weather Underground organization. This individual was able to provide details of the discussions that took place within the leadership of the Weather Underground, both during the planning stages and the operational stages of their terrorist actions, and his revelations provide important insights into their operational mentality.

For the Weather Underground leaders, the most important results of terrorist actions in the initial stages of the operation was media coverage. They wanted to show people both in the United States and around the world that there was a network of revolutionaries willing to take personal responsibility, to carry out terrorist acts within the "belly of the monster" and in solidarity with revolutionary movements throughout the world. They believed that a sustained campaign of bombings and other terrorist acts would give them legitimacy as the leader of the revolutionary movement in "the United States. Terrorist acts, referred to as "armed propaganda," could obtain

large-scale free media coverage that mere rhetoric could not obtain. The use of terrorist activities was also seen as linking the Weather Under- ground with the Third World revolutionary movement at home and abroad.

As the movement developed, the Weather Underground leaders be- lieved that the escalating destruction of American lives would disil- lusion more and more people with life in the United States and cause them to lose confidence in the ability of the U.S. (jovernment to protect them from violence. This disillusionment and loss of confi- dence would become increasingly important factors — while the ability of the Government to cope with the violence would decrease. The Weather Underground would achieve the status of leader of the revo- lutionary movement, and other groups would emulate their terrorist actions and help to further destabilize American society.

At the same time, the Weather Underground leaders believed that it was necessary to build an above-gi-ound party more openly revolu- tionary than the Communist Party U.S.A., which would advance propaganda justifications for the violent actions of the terrorist under- ground. The above-ground movement— to be called the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee — would also have the responsibility of orga- nizing mass struggles that could be linked with the terrorist actions of the Weather Underground. Specific acts of bombings and other forms of terrorism are being carried out both by fugitive Weather people who are operating imderground and, as revealed by a defector, by publicl}' active individuals ostensibl}', above-ground.^

Since the disruption of the Weather Underground support appa- ratus early in 1970, the organization has slowly rebuilt its network. Supporters range from former members of the Weatlierman faction of SDS to radical chic entertainment figures. Most important, how- ever, is the support supplied by counterculture communes, which sup- ply safe houses, forged or stolen identification material, and other items helpful to the outlaws.

Tlie Weather Underground is not a legal organization for the simple reason that all of its leaders are on the FBI's most wanted list. But by 1974, the support network felt strong enough to organize a public above-ground apparatus. The first action of this group was the publi- cation of Prairie Fire, a political statement of the Weather Under- ground running 152 pages. The distributing apparatus, which was first called the Prairie Fire Distribution Committee, soon changed its name to Prairie Fire Organizing Committee. The responsibility for print- ing and distributing Prairie Fii-e was undertaken hy Howie Emmer, who had been active in the Weatherman faction of SDS, and his wife, Nancy Kurshan. Nancy is the former wife of Jerry Rubin, a counter- culture personality. Emmer and Kurshan served on the National Com- mittee of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee until December 1975, when they resigned for personal reasons. However, they remain mem- bers of the organization in the San Francisco Bay area.^

��8 It Is my understanding that law enforcement authorities have now been alerted to this development.

"Accordinj; to the minutes of a rerent nipetins: of the Prairie Fire Orsanizinar Com- mittee. National Committee, its current membership includes Jennifer Dohrn (sister of Rprnardine), Russell Nenfeld. Alan Berkman. Laura Whitehorn (at larire members). Diana Block, Nancy Barrett (Bay area). Susie Wavsdorf. Liz Horowitz (Boston), Sylvia Baral- dlni. Shelly Miller (New York), Lance Pustln (Philadelphia), and Miles Pustln (Vermont).

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PFOC hfis distributed Osawatomie, the magazine of the Weather Underiri'oiind organization, live issues of which hav^e appeared.^ Osa- watoniie operates as a theoretical journal of terrorism in which the Weatherinen seek to explain, justify and encourage the kind of terror- istic activity in which they have been engaged.

PFOC sees itself as a cadre organizaton" which has as its purpose drawing together other Marxist-I^eninist groups to establish a "revolu- tionary Communist Party." The immediate tasks, according to their west coast unit are "1. Build a mass base, 2. Build unity on the left, 3. Build relationships with Third World groups."

As a part of this program, PFOC organized the '"Hard Times Con- ference" which took place in Chicago on January 30 to February 1, 1976. According to a PFOC internal document, three PFOC National Committee meml^ers — Russell Neufeld, Susie Waysdorf and Shelly Miller — were sent to Chicago to organize the Hard Times Conference. They obtained $2,700 to help pay for the Conference from the Amer- ican Issues Forum of Chicago — an organization which is funded by the federally supported Xational Fndowmeut for the Humanities. This is an example of the ability of such groups to obtain taxpayers' money for their activities. Although controlled by PFOC. the Conference brought together a wide range of groups, including the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, the "Workers World I'arty, the New York Black Panther Party, the American Indian Movement, the National Interim Committee for a Mass Party of the People.

Over 2,000 activists took part in the Hard Times Confei-ence, One of the most important actions taken by the conference was the ap- proval of a proposal by the Puerto Rican Socialist Party for a mili- tant mass demonstration in Philadelphia on July 4th. I offer for the i-ecord a cojiy of a letter fiom the .Tidy 4t]i Coalition establishing the founding role played by the Hard Times Conference.

The Central Committee of the Weather Underground Organization has announced that "* * * we dedicate ourselves to solidarity with the Jidy 4th mobilization in Pliiladolphia Avhich will raise the Jbanner of independence for Puerto Rico and unite this struggle with that of the workers and oppressed people of the United States. This is an urgent priority." (Osawatomie, April-May 1976). The same issue, it is to be noted, gives public support to the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, the American Indian ^lovement. and t]ie Palestine terrorists. The pos- sibility exists that Weather Underground terrorism during the Bi- centennial may take place on behalf of Puerto Rican, American Indian, and Palestinian terrorist movements.

In line with its concept that it must function as a cadre organization, the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee has placed its cadres in key positions in a large number of militant and violence prone organiza- tions, many of which are planning to participate in the July 4 Coali- tion demonstration in Philadelphia— which, as I have already pointed out, is under the joint command of the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- mittee and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party.

10 PFOC Is also propagandizinfT on behalf of a 90-mlnute film, called "Underground" recently shown at the Inner Circle Theater in Washington, D.C. and the Regency Theater in New York City. It was made in coojieration with Weather Underground fugitives. See the interview with producer Emlle de Antonio in "Rolling Stone," Nov. 6, 1975. See also the New York Tlme.s, June 22, 1975.

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In the paragraphs that follow. I propose to deal with a few of the numerous interlocks that tie together many of the organizations of the far left and the terrorist left. The story is a much longer one, but I believe these few examples will help to establish that the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee has become cooi'dinator of many extremist or- ganizations in the year since it was founded.



Julie Nichamin, one of the old SDS and Weatherman leaders, a re- peated "visitor" to Cuba, and a leader of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee, serves as a coordinator for the Puerto Rican Solidarity- Committee. The Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee is the propa- ganda arm of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and defends terrorist and other violent activities on behalf of Puerto Rican independence. Alfredo Ix)pez, who heads the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, is also a leader of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and is the coordi- nator for the July 4th Coalition.


The Native American Solidarity Committee operates from a post office box in St. Paul, Minn. It propagandizes in favor of violent activ- ities by American Indians. The organization grew out of the apparatus organized by the National Lawyers Guild in support of the American Indian Movement's armed occupation of Wounded Knee, S.D. Jed Proujansky of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee serves on the National Interim Coordinating Committee of the Native American Solidarity Committee. Proujansky, a former SDS-Weatherman activ- ist, was convicted of mob action as a result of the violence during the •'Days of Rage"' in Chicago in October 1969. The Vermont chapter of the Native American Solidarity Committee is run by Miles Pustin, who also serves on the National Committee of the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee.


The Palestine Solidarity Committee, whicli was established in November 1975, is run by PFOC activitists George Cavaletto and Sheila Ryan. They operate this organization from a post office box in Manhattanville Station. Noav York. Cavaletto was a member of the Weatherman faction of SDS. He was identified by the Flint, ]\lich. Police Department as having been in attendance at the Weatherman "War Council" in Flint, INIich. in December 1909. He visited Havana in July 1969, presimiably to meet with representatives of the Vietcong and the North Vietnamese. Ryan, who had also been active in the Weatherman faction of SDS, was one of the first members to visit Cuba with the Venceremos Brigade. Ryan and Cavaletto both spent a year in Jordan and Lebanon writing propaganda articles for the Palestine Liberation Oriranization.

The first meeting on the Palestine Solidarity Committee took place at Cohnnbia University in New York City' on January 20, 1976. Securitv for the meeting was very extensive. Each participant was

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g'iven a ticket with liis name on it, countersigned by the person from whom he had received the ticket. When the ticket was presented at the door, its number and the name of the participant was checked against a master list. The name of the individual's organization was also on the list. After sui-rendering his ticket, each participant re- ceived a body search before being permitted to enter the room.

Among the groups participating in the meeting and providing se- curity guards for the meeting were the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee, the Communist Party U.S.A., and the Socialist Workers Party. The main speaker at the meeting was Shafik al Hout, of the Palestine Liberation Organization in Lebanon. During the question- and-answer period, some questions were answered by Basil al Aql, member of the Palestine Liberation Organization Delegation to the T'nited Nations, and Yasser Abd al Rabdou, member of the Palestine Ijiberation Organization Executive ('ommittee and head of the PLO's Information Department. Also on the platform, but not answering (luestions was Plassan Abdul Kahman, Deputy Permanent Observer of PLO at the LTnited Nations. Al Hout and al Aql spoke strongly in favor of armed struggle. Both also stressed the importance of the support they had received from the Soviet Union and Communist CJiina.

On May 16, 19TG, tlie Palestine Solidarity Comniittee was able to bring together almost 900 people to a demonstration in Brooklyn, N.Y. Approximately 500 of tliose were radicals from outside the area, and about 400 were local people."

It is interesting to observe the generally increased interest in the Palestinian terrorists by the American terrorist movement and sup- port groups. In March 1975, the Associated Press reported a threat by the Palestine Liberation Organization to carry out terrorist acts in the United States. The AP quoted Zouheir Mohsen, leader of the military section of PLO, as saying in an interview in Damascus, "We will strike at any Israeli strategic target wherever we can reach it, in Israel or in Japan or in the United States."' (Chicago Sun-Times, March 1?>, 1975). The PLO has committed acts of terrorism against British Jews involved in pro-Israel activity. Political considerations have reduced PLO terrorist actions in recent months. However, we should not overlook the possibility that domestic terrorists may seek to target American Jews during the Bicentennial, in solidarity with the PLO.



Another organization with which the Weather Underground and the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee have worked very closely is the National Lawyers Guild. The National Lawyers Guild in the old days was frequently identified as a legal front organization for the Communist Party. More recently, I note that testimony before con- it Amnnsr the orsmnizations and Individual radicals that sponsored this demonstration were the Puerto Rico Solidarity Committee. El Comlte-MINTP. Friends of Haiti, Gnardian. International Indian Treaty ifouncil (AIM). Irish Republican Clnhs of the TTSA nnd Tnna'ia. Li^prntion Support Movenipnt. Part'do Cnmnn'sta Dominlcana. Prairie Fire Or?ani7inp Committee. Puerto Rioan Socialist Party. Socialist Workers Party, Venceremos Brigade, and the Young Socialist Alliance (this Is the Trotskyite youth organization).

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gressional committees evaluates the guild as an organization whicli is still heavily involved in support of revolutionary activities, but which appears to operate as an old left-new left coalition, offering its services to virtually all revolutionary and terrorist elements. Not very surprisingly, the guild has from the first provided legal support for the Weather Underground.

The guild publishes a magazine called Midnight Special, aimed at convicts in prisons. One of the editors of tliis publication is Judy Clark, former Weather Underground fugitive, now active in the issue of Midnight Special explained that:

All black and Third World people who are incarcerated in maximum security penitentiaries are political prisoners — victims who have responded to racist dehumanization and political and economic oppression in their daily lives. Any time oppressed people move to destroy this reality of their daily lives, the Fascist state defines it as "crime." We must see that any acts against our oppressor can never be a crime but are clearly legitimate attempts to free ourselves; in essence they are political acts.

For this reason, tlie guild said, they supported the Black Liberation Army,

Their statement read further :

This brings ns to the question of why we support the BLA, but more im- portantly what they represent. As we have said, we do not believe that the phenomenon of a black liberation army is without historical justification and necessity. We do not believe that revolutionary action as long as it takes a military form has the quasi-miraculous capacity of mileashing a great revolu- tionary process. But we adhere to this principle that revolutionary war is the continuation of politics by violent means : that strategy must be subordinated to politics, or better said, that politics and strategy are conjoined in revolutionary and guerrilla warfare.

In December 1975, a National Lawyers Guild delegation traveled to Puerto Rico to attend the Congress of the Puerto Eican Socialist Party. They are expected to send a delegation to the Middle East some time this year to meet with the Palestine Liberation Organiza- tion. This trip is being organized in coordination wnth the Palestine Solidarity Committee, a group closely linked to the Prairie Fire Or- ganizing Committee.

Not very surprisingly, the National Lawyers Guild is participating in the July 4 coalition together with the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- mittee and its otlier legal proteges, and it lias offered its services in advance to all those demonstrators who fret themselves in trouble with the law in Philadelphia. The Philadelphia chapter of the National Lawyers Guild, which M'orks closely Avith the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee, placed a notice in the Liberation News Service Bulletin of April 3, 1976, which read :

The Philadelphia chapter of the National Lawyers Guild is planning on pro- viding emergency legal service to the various groups and individuals who will be demonstrating in Philadelphia this summer. This will include helping to secure parade permits, fighting injunctions against demonstrations, counseling groups on first amendment rights and providing legal observers for demonstra- tions and lawyers for emergency situations. Any group planning on coming to Philadelphia this summer should notify the guild as soon as possible so that It can estimate the dimensions of the legal assistance necessary and can con- tact groups plaiming to participate.

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The Weather Underground and the Prairie Fire Organizing Com- mittee liave also pi'ovided propaganda support for the Symbionese Li)>eration Army. At the time of the capture of Patricia Hearst and the ITarri;res, BernaVdine Dohrn signed a statement on behalf of the WUO. She said. "The capture of several SLA members in September was a victory for the enemy and a defeat for everyone struggling against imperialism. They are comi'ades who share the conviction that only Socialist revolution will end the misery and oppression of imperialisjn." But Dohrn went on to criticize the SLA for not organizing a political movement to cari'y out their aims. She referred to the SLA's theory of operation as the foco theoi-y" — which the A^'eather Underground now believes is wrong. This theory, which originally was developed from the Latin-American terrorist experience, has been criticized by ter- rorists who consider themselves 5'Iarxist-Leninists because it does not link terrorist attacks to mass movements. Dohrn ended her statement by saying, "We should proceed at once to build the kind of political organization capable of leading the armed struggle and the powerful discontent of the oppressed and exj^loited." (Osawatomie, winter, 1975- Tf>). Li Berkeley, the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee, together Avitli the National Lawyers Guild, organized a rally in support of the SLA on September 27, 1975. (For more on the west coast movement, see p, 121.)


A rival radical group, the Revolutionary Communist Party (form- erly the Revolutionary Union) also plans demonstrations in Phila- del))hia on the Fourth of July under the slogan. "Get the rich off our backs! The RCP. a Maoist-Communist group, says it hopes to orga- nize thousands of demonstrators for their own action. The RCP youth organization, the Revolutionary Student Bi'igade, and the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, which some consider an RCP front opera- tion, are also activeh' recruiting demonstrators for Philadelphia.

B. The Puerto Rlcan Socialht Party

Sharing the command of the July 4th Coalition with the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee are the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and the Puerto Rican Solidai-it}- Committee, an umbrella support opera- tion for the PSP. Juan ]\Iari Bras, the leader of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, was quoted roughly a year ago by Claridad, his paity organ, as saying:

The slogan of the Bicentennial without Colonies means that we are going to turn the Bicentennial celebrations upside down, if. hy that time, the United States has not ended its colonial regime in Puerto Rico. Thousands of Puerto Ricans, Blacks, Mexican-Americans, Indians and other racial minorities will invade the city of Philadelphia on July 4, 1976.

How seriously do we have to take such threats ?

In December 1974. Mari Bras promised, ". . . sabotage and bomb- ings of all kinds will take place with increasing frequency." {Claridad^ Dec. 3, 1974) Less than 2 months later, a bomb ex])loded in New York City's Fraunces Tavern, killing four innocent diners. And on Oc- tober 27, 1975, ten almost simultaneous bomb explosions took place in

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goveinmont buildings, corporations and banks in New York, Chicago, and Washington. The FALN — the Armed Forces of Puerto Rican Liberation — claimed credit for all these actions, while the PSP, in its own name, simply condoned them.

Available intelligence about these organizations, including the docu- mented testimon}' that has been presented to your subcommittee in several hearings, established beyond challenge that both are heavily in- fluenced and may be controlled by the Cuban intelligence service, the so-called DGI, which stands for Directoria General de Inteligencia. Tlie leaders of both of these organizations flamboyantly support Fidel Castro and have frequently visited Cuba. While both of these organiza- tions are ostensibly non-terrorist, they miss no opportunity to proclaim their admiration for the Puerto liican terrorists and their solidarity with them.

The Puerto Rican Socialist Party publicly maintains a large office in Havana — and Plavana was the locus of the so-called International Conference of Solidarity with the Independence of Puerto Rico"' in September of 1075. where representatives of all the Communist parties internationally and Third World governments and movements declared their moral support for the Puerto Rican Socialist Party.

The Puerto Rican Socialist Party is not a reformist organization like the European Social Democratic parties. It is a Castro Communist party — and the use of the name "Puerto Rican Socialist Party"' was simply intended to give their organizing greater acceptability, na- tionallv and internationally. This was made very clear by Juan Mari Bras, the leader of the PSP", who said in Claridad, on Januaiy 2, 1975 :

We are Communists because the objective of all socialists around the world is the eventual transformation of the socialist society into a Communist society . . . But in the specific context of our national reality, we decided to call our party 'socialist party' because it defines with suflicient precision our strategic objec- tives for the forseeable future.

The leaders of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party view themselves as revolutionary Davids destined to destroy the U.S. imperialist Goliath. This theme emerges over and over again from a reading of their literature. For example, a supplement to Claridad published in Xo- vember 1974 stated :

We are at the very center of the continental revolution. Every revolutionary process in the Third World, and particularly in Latin America, deepens the con- tradictions in the heart of American society. At the same time, the deeper the struggles in the heart of this society, the bigger will be the possibilities of victory for the Third World.

The same article bore a photograph of the damage done by a bomb set by Puerto Rican terrorists in New York City. The caption stated : "Puerto Rico must be the spearhead to bring the anti-imperialist war to the very heart of the American society."

The most significant of the Puerto Rican terrorist gi'oups is the Puerto Rican Armed Forces for National Liberation (FALN). The first publicly aclaiowledged bombings claimed by the FALN were in October 1974. The advertised purpose of these bombings was to demand freedom for Puerto Rican teiTorists in Attica Prison and to declare to the world that the FALN "supports the demonstration at Madison Square Garden on October 27 (1974) in support of the independence

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or more bombinfjs on the U.S. mainland and many more bombings in Puerto Rico itself.

The Madison Square Garden rally was sponsored by the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, and the feature si>eaker was Juan Mari Bras, its leader. Mari Bras told the rally that the FALN bombings were iustified. "There is a diversity of forms and means by which the Puerto Rican people struggle for inde])endence and national liberation," he said. "This is one of our means."

I think it worth noting that among the other speakers at the rally were Angela Davis, an official of the Communist Party, U.S.A., actress Jane Fonda, and Russell Means of the American Indian Movement.

As a result of a grand jury probe into the FALN actions, a number of PSP activists have been subpenaed. According to Chicago Ti'ibune reporter Ron Koziol, one of the FALX activists is a Cuban-trained Puerto Rican terrorist by the name of Filiberto Ojeda Rios, who Avas being sought by the FBI in connection with FALX terrorist bombings in Chicago (Chicago Tribune, June 13, 1975) .

"Wliile there are few leads to the identity of the FALX terrorists, there are many people who believe that the members of the FALX are simply disguised membei"s of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party. Wheth- er this is so or not, there can be absolutely no question that the Puerto Rican Socialist Party has repeatedly and militantly defended the ac- tions of the terrorists. For example, in your hearing of last year on Puerto Rican terrorism, your witness, Francisco Martinez, quoted Angel Agosta, the secretary of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, as saying:

The Armed Commandos for Liberation are perhaps the most substantial and effective armed pro-iudepeudence organization in Puerto Rico. Their actions are framed within the conception of an armed struggle as the blasting cap and a supplement for legal open struggle.

The FALX, for its part, has made no effort to disguise the fact that it receives — and welcomes — support from the Castro government, and from sympathetic organizations in the LTnited States and the Amer- icas. The FALX communique Xo. 6 (October 27, 1975) said in part:

The FALN welcomes the support given the Puerto Rican national liberation struggle at the Solidarity Conference in Cuba (September 1975) and- the meeting of nonaligned nations in Peru in September. We esi)eciall.y acknowledge the moral support given our organization by the Cuban people and government, in a speech by Premier Fidel Castro in August, in which he said the Cuban govern- ment would do all it could to support the FALN.

The Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, is for all practical purposes, an extension of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, set up for the purpose of bringing together all of the organizations of the revolutionary left in this country in a single movement supporting the objective of "in- dependence" for Puerto Rico. The founding conference took place on the campus of Rutgers Univei'sity in Xewarlc, X.J. The hundred or more delegates at the conference represented a broad array of orga- nizations, including the Communist Party, U.S.A., the Xational LaAv- yers Guild, the Xational Emergencj^ Civil Liberties Committee, the October League, the Congress of African People, the American Com- mittee of the World Peace Council, and other similar organizations of the Old Left and Xew Left.

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The testimony given before your subcommittee last Juh' oO by Mr. Alfonso Tarabocliia, established the fact that most of the leaders of the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee had been in Cuba at least one time and some several times, and that some of them had been in contact M'ith identified members of the DGI.^^

I have already pointed out that Julie Nichamin serves as the co- ordinator for the Puerto Pican Solidarity Committee. Hearings held before this subcommittee have reproduced a letter from Julie Nichamin written from Havana on January 26. 1069, to Bernardine Dohrn, the leader of the Weather Underground. This letter wound up with a postscript: "I (Julie) will be down here at least until the middle of April. If any help or information is needed, just get the letter to Jimenez at the Mission to forvrard down here."' "Jimenez"' was identi- fied in testimony before your subcommittee as Jesus Jimenez Escobar, who was expelled from this country on February 19, 1969, for engag- ing in espionage activities against the United States.

To sum all this up, here you have the present coordinator of the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, which has the status of a legal organization, writing a letter from Havana to Bernardine Dohrn, now the leader of the illegal Weather Underground and one of the FBI's 10 most wanted criminals, urging her to establish contact with a mem- ber of the Cuban Mission to the U.N. — who, not very surprisingly, also happened to l)e a member of the Cuban DGI. I tliink this teils us a good deal about the nature of the Puei-to Pican Solidarity Committee.

A discussion of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee and the influence of the DGI would be incom- plete without a further reference to the role played by the so-called Venceremos Brigade. As I have already pointed out, the Venceremos Brigade, a continuing movement which was launched in 1968, purports to be an organization of young Americans who want to manifest their sympathy for the so-called agricultural reform in Cuba by participat- ing as volunteers in the sugarcane harvCvSt. To date, a grand total of some 2,400 young Americans have traveled to Cuba, in annual contin- gents, under the auspices of the Venceremos Brigade. Your own sub- committee, in a series of hearings, has accumulated specific evidence that the Venceremos Brigade has, from the beginning, been a creation of the Cuban DGI, which uses it for purposes of indoctrination, espio- nage and political activities in the United States.

In testimony before your subcommittee last year, Mr. Alfonso L. Tarabochia, your chief investigator, made the apt commentary that the evidence pointed to a triangular relationship between the Venceremos Brigade, the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and the DGI, with the DGI

1- A whole series of interestins: interlocking relationships exist between the PRSC the VenrereJiins Urisade, nnA idontiflpd members of the DGI. "Puerto Rico, Libre, the official mouthpiece of the PRSC, lists as its national staff, the following individuals: Maggie Block, Rosa Borenstein, David Burd, Bill Henning, Sally Hamann, Lally Lopez, Liz Mestres. and Vieki Wheeler. In addition, Julie Nichamin, Ted GMck. Roger Geller, Frank Christopher, and Dana Biberman are listed as members of the PRSC. Of these, Margaret Phyllis Block was n memlier of the senond Venceremos Brigade which was in Cuba for 6 weeks, from mid-February 1970 to mid-April 1970; Borenstein was a member of the First Brigade which traveled to Cuba from December 1969 to February 1970. In addition. Rosa Boren- stein made another trip to Cuba in Jul.v 1971 where she visited the Cuban Institute of Friendship with Peoples dCAP). a notorious cover for the DGI. There she met with an ICAP operative who had worked on the Cuban contingent of the First and Second Brigades . . . His name is Jose Antonio Pedroso. There was an exchange of information about activities of brigade veterans in the United States and Rosa Borenstein gnve Pedroso details about members in the Northeastern United States." Paragraph In quotes taken from p. 358, Terroristic Activity, part 6, "The Cuban Connection in Puerto Rico; Castro's Hand in Puerto Rican and U.S. Terrorism." Hearing of the Senate Subcommittee on Internal Security, July 30, 1975.

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at the apex of tlio triangle. He pointed out that, as of the time of his testimony, some 60 to 70 Puerto Ricans had traveled to Cuba with the Venceremos Brigade and that, of the 40 individuals listed as members were veterans of the Venceremos Brigade.

The kind of sugarcane cutting that the Venceremos Brigade mem- bers engaged in while they were in Cuba has been s[)elled out in public documents. For example, the official Cuban news agency Prensa Latina, on October 30, 1970, carried this item on the education of the Venceremos Brigade members:

"The most useful part of the trip, up to now, has been the lectures," commented a Puerto Rican (Brigade member), "we are really learning. And they ask ques- tions constantly, v/ith great eagerness. Susan wants to clear up some confused points of Marighella's •Minimauual of the Urban Guerrilla'; Bob would like to know how the Tupamaros function and organize themselves because 'we could do the same in many cities of the United States' ; a blond long-haired young man worries about 'What actions could we carry out to cooperate with Latin American revolutionaries in their struggle against Yankee imperialism?' "

Further insights on the Venceremos Brigade can be obtained from a book entitled, "Venceremos Brigade," edited by Sandra Levin- son and Carol Brightman, published by Simon and Schuster in 1971. The book contains 6 interviews with a Cuban, Julian Torres Rizo, and a photograph that bears the following caption: "Jidian Rizo, di- rector of the Cuban delegation in the brigade camp, addressing the brigade on International Women's Day."

The book, in addition, included some remarks delivered by Torres Rizo to applicants for the Third Venceremos Brigade contingent to Cuba in New York City in July of 1970.

Torres Rizo is currently serving as first secretary of the Cuban Mis- sion to the United Nations in New York. In addition to his long asso- ciation with the Venceremos Brigade and young Americans, Torres Rizo has been identified in a report put out by your subcommittee as a member of the U.S. section of the DGI, and he was more recently so identified in a nationally syndicated column.

Mr. Chairman, in the light of the evidence of the ties between the DGI on the one hand and the Puerto Rican Socialist Party, the Puerto Rican Solidarity Committee, and the Venceremos Brigade on the other hand, as well as the evidence of ties between the DGI and the Weather Underground-Prairie Fire Organizing Committee complex, it is difficult to believe that the Castro government is completely unaware of the plans that are being made for July 4 under the auspices of the July 4th Coalition.

C. PBG and the Washington demonstration

To complete the romidup of possible July 4 disruptions, T should mention the demonstration planned for Washington, under the aegis of the Peoples Bicentennial Commission.

The May 1976 report issued by the Subcommittee on Internal Se- curity described the PBC as "a propaganda and organizing tool of a small group of New Left political extremists whose pantheon of po- litical heroes includes such Marxist luminaries as Fidel Castro, Mao Tse-tung, Che Guevara, and Regis Debrav, and who seek to pervert the meaning of the American Revolution and to exploit the Bicenten- nial celebration in order to further their own revolutionary goals." I

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believe this is a very apt characterization, and that it was well docu- mented in your printed report.

While there is no evidence that the PBC is planning mass violence or acts of terrorism, they talk about bringing some 250,000 demon- strators to Washington on July 4 and staging a mass march from the Jefferson Memorial to the Capitol. The scheduled speakers include Jane Fonda, who is given top billing; Phil Foner, a Marxist historian long associated with the CPUS A's Jeiferson School in New York City ; Sam Love joy. who publicly took responsibility for the sabotaging in February 1974 of a power facility in Montague, Mass.; Dr. Benjamin Spock ; Rubin "Hurricane" Carter ; and others.

As far as the PBC itself is concerned, the chances are their Washing- ton demonstration will not go further than the rowdiness and disrup- tion which characterized their counterdemonstration in Concord on April 19, 1975. On that occasion, according to newspaper accounts, the crowd of 30,000 demonstrators assembled under PBC auspices, booed and heckled President Ford incessantly', and succeeded in turn- ing what was supposed to have been a happy and inspiring commemo- rative ceremon}^ into an unpleasant, unhapp}^ occasion.

I hope the PBC's demonstration in Washington on July 4 will be peaceful even if it does not turn out to be pleasant.

There are some reasons for concern, however. The major reason is that even if the PBC tries to keep its coi-e demonstration peaceful in accordance with its assurance, the PBC does not exercise direct control over the numerous terrorists and violence prone groups in our country, and there is a danger that some of these groups may decide to take advantage of the PBC's mass demonstration against the "estab- lishment" to engage in some spectacular act of terrorism or violence, also directed against the "establishment."


The picture that emerges from this discussion is the following: A variety of groups, most of them basically Marxist -Leninist; and some openly terrorist, have discussed plans to disrupt the bicentennial. Their efforts will probably be concentrated on July 4 largely in Phil- adelphia and Washington where they can expect the largest crowds and the greatest publicity. They will also be sponsoring demonstra- tions in toher cities, however. Among these groups, the July 4th Coali- tion, in particular, bears the most careful watching because of (a) the links between the influential Prairie Fire Organizing Committee and the Weather TTnderground ; and (h) the links between the Puerto Rican Socialist Party and the FALN — both linked, in turn, to the Cuban DGI (whicli is believed by most intelligence specialists to be controlled by the KGB).

Presented with these possibilities, what has been the reaction of law enforcement authorities? Counterterrorist action ideally includes })reventive intelligence, physical protection of facilities, and the de- terrence of possible punishment. The Bicentennial and especially July 4 present some serious problems from the standpoint of these requirements. First, it will be difficult if not impossible to "protect" the historic sites in those cities with measures of the kind used in airports. Second, our domestic law enforcement intelligence orga

iiizations are opercatiiig with drastically reduced capabilities. This is a matter your subcommittee has considered in two previous liearings, and it is my understanding that you are planning further liearings on the subject. What emerges from your hearing records and from information that has come to me from other sources is that in many of our major cities and States law enforcement intelligence files deal- ing with subversive and extremist organizations have been wiped out, and that law enforcement officers now find themselves almost paralj'Zed by the pyramiding restrictions on intelligence operations.

At the risk of repetition, let me repeat a few of the facts which have been made public :

In New York State, law enforcement intelligence files painstak- ingly built up over a 30-year period have been locked up since last September and most of the 24 members of the intelligence unit have been assigned to other duties.

In the State of Texas, as a result of a law suit, the Public Safety Division has destroyed over 1 million card entries — salvaging only tliose cards where convictions or indictments on criminal charges were involved. These were transferred to the criminal files.

In New York City, almost 98 percent of approximately 1 million card entries were destroyed, leaving the intelligence unit with a re- l)orted 20,000 cards covering perhaps a third of this number of in- dividuals.

In Chicago, the files of the police intelligence unit have been im- pounded since March 28 of last year leaving the unit without access to its own records.

In Michigan, a Federal judge has ordered the State police to des- troy the files of their intelligence unit and disband the unit. This ruling is currently being contested.

In Pittsburgh, the intelligence unit has been wiped out, and in other cities they have been reduced to levels which make it impossible for them to operate effectively.

In Los Angeles, New York and other major cities, the controlling criterion governing law enforcement intelligence is that no entry may be made about any person simply on the basis of membership in the Communist Party or the Trotskyist or Maoist organizations or even in .violence-prone groups such as the Black Panthers, the Jewish De- tense- League, and the Palestine Liberation Organization-.. An in- dividual must have a record of conviction or indictment on a'.c.riminal charge before any entry can be made about him. This is sometJiing that violates aU the rules of commonsense and intelligence gathering and whicli virtually deprives our law enforcement agencies ofl.any pre- ventive capability.

No wonder the Yugoslavian Ambassador denounced U.S. security precautions after his Embassy had been bombed for the tiird time on June 9, 1976. The State Department's "profound regrets" are no substitutes for sound intelligence procedures, which are the chief arm of domestic security.

I note in this connection that when your subcommittee last October took testimony from four of this country's top police experts on ter- rorist bombings, they all complained about the difficulties under which they were operating because of the destruction or inactivation of in- telligence files and the increasing restrictions on their intelligence

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capabilities. Sergeant Arleigh ISIcCree of the Los Angeles Police Department told your subcommittee that — I quote — "Intelligence is relatively nonexistent among our major police departments today." I undei*stand that the situation has become measurably worse since this testimony was given.

In the old days, whenever there was a demonstration in Washington or some other city that brought together extremist elements from all over the country, the police department in the target city would be able to build some kind of intelligence mosaic from the reports it received from other police departments around the country. This gave it some idea of how many people to expect, what organizations w^ould be participating, who the leaders were, what elements had to be considered particulary dangerous, and what plans there were, if any, for violence. Armed with this infonnation, the department was in a position to do some intelligent planning. But as matters stand this July 4, I am afraid the police departments in Washington and Philadelphia are operating largely in the dark. They have bits and pieces of information, but not enough to do any meaningful con- tingency planning. This is a chaotic situation — and it could be very dangerous. It is worthwhile recalling Avhat a difficult time the Wash- ington and Chicago police departments had in dealing with some of the violent demonstrations that took place in the late 1960's — despite the fact that thej^ then possessed excellent intelligence.

How has this situation come about? It is, as your hearings have pointed out, a product of a complex of circumstances — the Watergate scandal, the revelations that there had been certain abuses by both our domestic and foreign intelligence agencies, a widespread antip- athy towards police intelligence, and an organized campaign of legal harassment against the intelligence units of our major law en- forcement agencies by left-wing organizations.

I wholeheartedly agree with Senator Thurmond's observation that if there have been abuses in the field of law enforcement intelligence, the sensible thing to do is to correct the abuses — and not to destroy our entire intelligence capability.

I am all in favor of granting the widest possible freedom of expres- sion to dissenting groups, including the most radical dissenters. But this does not mean that we must, in the name of the first amendment, prohibit the gathering of intelligence about conspiratorial activities designed to overthrow our Government and destroy our freedoms, or to inflict mass violence or acts of terrorism on our communities which could take innocent lives. The line must be drawn somewhere. And to me it seems clear that the first purpose of the law in any free society must be the protection of the community against violent and subver- sive minorities that seek to terrorize, intimidate, and slowly destroy the capacity of the Government to govern.


Revolutionary terrorism is a deadly political weapon and from my own observatioiis, I am inclined to "believe that no fi-ee society has yet developed an effective strategy for dealing with the problem. Ter- rorists have become infinitely more sophisticated, and they now have access to long-range weapons like mortars and heatseeking antiaircraft missiles. ^loreoever, we may soon have to confront the problem of nu

clear terrorism or nuclear blackmail by terrorist elements. To further complicate matters, there is evidence of increasing collaboration be- tween domestic terrorist groups and transnational cooperation between terrorist groups operating in different parts of the free world. The case of the Lod Airport massacre is an illustration of this kind of coopera- tion. The group of Japanese Red Army terrorists who j^erpetrated the massacre were acting on behalf of their Palestinian terrorist comrades. The evidence established that they had received their basic training in terrorism in North Korea ; that they had been then transported across the Soviet Union to East Germany ; and that from East Germany they were moved down to Italy wdiere friendly terrorists provided them with their weapons, and that they then moved on to Israel for the final act in their international escapade.

According to more recent information it has now become an increas- ingly commonplace occurrence for terrorist groups in one European country — for example. West Germany — to contact terrorist groups in another European country — for example, France — with a request that they carry out a terrorist action against a designated "German" target in the second country. Such requests are honored on a reciprocal basis.

There is every reason for fearing that the situation in the United States will become much worse before it becomes much better, and that we may yet experience terrorist kidnapings and assassinations on the Latin American model.

Totalitarian societies find it relatively easy to cope with the problem of terrorism — indeed, there is no serious problem of terrorism in totali- tarian societies — because they are inhibited by few humanitarian or legal scruples. While they are themselves immune to this deadly scourge, there is much evidence that they abet, directly aiid indirectly, terrorist activities in other countries.

A free society cannot behave like a totalitarian society, even in deal- ing with a problem as grave as the growing epidemic of terrorism. It will, therefore, take all of our ingenuity and all of our determination over the coming period to devise a strategy that simultaneously respects the rights guaranteed under our constitution and places more effective restraints on the terrorist elements in our countr}'.

I do not pretend to have all the answers. But there are a few pre- liminajy thoughts and suggestions I would like to offer.

Let us recall that the fundamental purpose of the terrorist is to frighten his adversary. He needs innocent victims and he needs pub- licity. But, on top of this, the act itself is intended either to provoke the government into excessive reactions or to force its acceptance of teri*or- ist demands or to reduce the government to a state of paralysis.

By reacting with excessive force borne of horror, outrage and frus- tration, a society may play into the terrorist's hands. Excessive force, indiscriminately applied, breeds its own fear and erodes the fabric of civic stability. Because the terrorist seeks to destroy a g-overnment using very limited physical means, he is greatly aided if he can provoke that government to compromise its legitimacy.

A democracy which abridges basic liberties and abandons its con- stitution in order to pursue terrorists does their work for them. On the other liand, the danger is also increased when a government charged with the protection of its citizens is unable to guard against terrorism either capitulates to terrorist demands or fails to take ef- fective measures against them.

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The first requirement of an effective antiterrorist program is. a com- prehensive intelligence operation. Intelligence includes not only pre- cise information but also an analytical capability which yields criti- cal clues about the ideology, motivation, and likely action patterns of the terrorists and about the changing patterns of interlocks between the terrorist groups, nationally and internationally. The possession of facts alone still does not solve the problem, but without the facts, the authorities are condemned to act in a blind and sometimes arbi- trary or indiscriminate fashion, doing the terrorist's work for him.

My first suggestion is, therefore, that the American people and their elected representatives must do some serious rethinking on the matter of law enforcement intelligence. Adequate intelligence is reqidrement number one in coping with the problem of terrorism — and in the ab- sence of such intelligence the most dedicated police force in the world would not be able to effectively protect its community. Our society is bound to remain extremely vulnerable to terrorism so long as the present paralyzing restrictions on intelligence gathering capabilities ]3ersist. Furthermore, since terrorism frequently crosses natural fron- tiers, the intelligence capabilities of both the CIA and the FBI will have to be reinforced. I agree that there is a need for guidelines. But the existence of guidelines does not require the kind of near total wipeout that now exists.

Second, there must be timely arrest and punishment of the terrorist. Unfortunately, the international nature of modern terrorism has en- feebled this essential deterrent. Too many governments abroad give sanction and support to terrorists. This includes not only those, such as Libya, which train and supply terrorists, but governments which give in to terrorist demands again and again.

I would favor the rewriting of the laws covering terrorist actions, to provide for prompt trials, mandatory minimum ]3enalties for all terrorist crimes, and mandatory death sentences in all action^ result- ing in the loss of life. And I would also raise the question of whether the first amendment was ever intended to cover the assumed freedom to engage in the publication and mass distribution of how-to-do-it terrorist manuals. '

.., My third proposal is that, because of the international nature of the problem, we must seek to persuade free nations to embark tipon a combined international war against the transnational terrorists', bring- ing t.o bear both classic intelligence and modern com.pntcr technology. Aniong other things this would involve the pooling of inteJTigence. This, I must point out, gets into a very sticky area because it i's a mat- ter of reasonably common knowledge that some of our staunchest allies have serious misgivings about sharing classified information with American intelligence agencies, out of the fear that this intel- ligence will somehow find its way into the print through some mem- ber or some staff member of some congressional committee'. '

Fourth, there should be public exposure of both the groups iTivolved and the danger they represent. There is no substitute for public alert- ness in making it difficult for terrorists to function. This includes information for both the media and schools.

Fifth, the United States must do what it can to prevent explosives and dangerous weapons from falling to the hands of terrorists. The laws governing the production, distribution, and use of explosives

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can stand a ^ood deal of tightening, with a view to reducing the j)ossibilities of theft, or the even greater possibility that explosives which are purchased legally under the present loose regulations may be used for illicit purposes by criminal or terrorist elements. I under- stand that your subcommittee is already looking into this matter, iiiid I want to compliment you on this.

Sixth, and finally, the time has come for the media to examine anew" their responsibilities to the public. While it is the duty of the leporter to report the facts where acts of terrorism are involved, the selection of these facts to emphasize sensational brutality serves the terrorists and not the news])aper reader or the TV viewer. The guar- antee of page 1 or prime-time coverage remains essential to the ter- rorists' success and constitutes an invitation to the terrorists to repeat their actions and to others to emulate their actions. The thought has occurred to me that the American media might respond affirmatively to such a proposal if the President called them together for a special conference on the role of the media in limiting civil violence, and asked for their voluntary cooperation.

I would like to close this presentation by reiterating that the ter- rorist can succeed only if his target is paralyzed with fright or fright- ened into self-destructive blunders. From what we have been able to analyze, it seems likely that the Prairie Fire Organizing Committee and the Puerto Kican Socialists and their partners hope to distract us from our pursuit of the balance between liberty and law, symbol- ized by the Bicentennial and July 4.

July 4 will take place on a Sunday 16 days from noAv. Let us hope that this memorial Sabbath will not be marred by the mayhem en- gendered by terror, but will instead be an opportunity for the Amer- ican people to rededicate themselves to the values that have made and kept us as a nation.

The use of force to achieve political objectives is not new. That is what every war is all about. But modern warfare among civilized nations is conducted with some respect to the difference between com- batant and non-combatant. The modern terrorists prefer to not limit themselves by any moral restrictions as to their actions.

For them there is no such thing as a noncombat status and prison- ers taken by them in many cases are murdered in cold l)lood. Our Ambassador to Sudan was killed in that fashion by the PLO. We are aware of innocent women and children being shot down at the airport in Tel Aviv several years ago and also the LaGuardia bombing and the senseless bombing of pubs and restaurants in London.

Whether they attack physical objectives or people, the terrorists have one primary aim, namely to exploit the media in order to make what they call armed propaganda and in this way to give the im- j^ression that their movement has greater support than it has in reality.

This benefits them in several ways. One, the government may react with indiscriminate and excessive force, increasing opposition to it. On the other hand they may force the government to capitulate to their demands.

The terrorist depends on four major features of the modern world to advance his work. First is the intrinsic vulnerability of modern industrial democracies.


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Second, the speed of modern transport and communications, which gives him quick access and escape and ease of planning. Third, the power and convenience of modern weaponry and explosives which enhance his capacity to destroy, and fourth, above all, the huge au- dience created by the electronic media, which insures that the fear and loathing his crimes inspire will be felt by vast numbers.

There is one other characteristic of modern terrorism which I would like to comment on and that is the fact that it is almost impossible to distinguish betvreen domestic and international terrorism. All the groups whose publications you see there on the display board identify themselves with either Vietnam, Castro's Cuba, or the PLO. They have a common sympathy wath what they are trying to achieve — the overthrow of the American system.

Now let's take a look at the Bicentennial celebrations planned for "Washington and for Philadelphia. Any event which is going to enjoy major international media coverage is an ideal terrorist event because it provides opportunities for the terrorists to make their presence known through the media to the world and to spread terror and un- certainty among free men and nations.

There is a reason to be concerned that the terrorist elements in our society will find the Bicentennial irresistible as an attraction not only because the eyes of the world will be focused on our birthday party but because they regard the celebration itself with deep hos- tility since it stands for everything they oppose.

They are opposed to freedom because they favor what they euphe- mistically call the dictatorship of the proletariat. The theme of our Bicentennial is freedom. We plan to celebrate our freedom on the 4th of July.

Nationally sponsored celebrations in the ease of Washington and Philadelphia and locally sponsored in the case of the rest of the country are excellent opportunities for these terrorists to make them- selves better known. Two centuries ago, it was established that the United States would have government of the people, by the people, and for the people. We have not betrayed the American Kevolution as these detractors claim we have.

We live in the only true modern revolutionary society. America has not achieved perfection. Some of our imperfections are all too ob- vious. But y»e have preserved the American process which allows for the expression of majority will while protecting minority rights.

This process remains the surest and Ijest route for the reinedy of just grievances held by any American. But the extremist minoritv hate America and everything it stands for. They have been talking in terms of disrupting and spoiling the Bicentennial. The leaders have talked about turning the I3icentennial ui^side down. ^ A leader of the American Indian Movement said in February of this yeai-, that when they [the ruling classes] light the candles oji the 200th birthday cake we will be there to blow them out." ^ The terrorist Weather Underground has been talking about light- mg the fires. It does not take great i)nagination to conceive of the possible consequences. It would seem to confirm that the United States is an irresolute society paralyzed bv domestic dissension. It is mv hope they will not succeed— that this will not come about.

We must pay some credence to the statements of these organizations and carefully examine the track records so we will be better able to anticipate their intentions and their capabilities. .

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Terrorist actions by revolutionary groups have taken place in the United States sporadically since 1965, but they increased dramatically during the past few years.

In 1973 there were 24 bombings attributable to terrorists; this increased to 45 in 1974 and 89 in 1975. Violence-prone revolutionaries have boasted publicly that they intend to expand their violence during the 1976 Bicentennial celebration period, beginning in 1976 and running through 1980.

FBI Director Clarence Kelley has warned us that terrorist activ- ities during the Bicentennial are being planned, and only 2 weeks ago Attorney General Levi instructed the FBI to do an intelligence roundup on the July 4th Coalition, which is planning a mass dem- onstration in Philadelphia on July 4tli.

The celebrations in Washingion and Pliiladelphia on July 4th ofler particularly tempting targets for the terrorists to engage in armed propaganda, the euphemism they use to justify their deadly actions because on that occasion the eyes of the entire world will be focused on them. As one of the leaders of the Puerto Rican Socialist Party which plays a central role in the July 4th Coalition put the matter:

For the Puerto Ricans in the United States the Bicentennial is important in many ways — they have invited the Pope and Queen Elizabeth, the King of Spain, etc. * * * the eyes of the whole world will be riveted on the answer that we all give to the shameless pretenses of the North American ruling class.

The organizations planning to disrupt the Bicentennial come from both the so-called Old Left and Xew Left, and despite some very real differences, almost all of them consider themselves Marxist-Leninist.

All groups that consider themselves Marxist-Leninist defend the use of terrorism at some stage of the revolutionary process. Lenin taught the utility of terrorist actions in these words:

The propagandists must supply each group with brief and simple recipes for malving bombs, give them an elementary explanation of the type of work, and then leave it all to them.

  1. This boast is made repeatedly in Osawatomie, inside cover.
  2. Among the Weather leaders who have visited Cuba are James Mellen, Gerald Long. Bernardine Dohrn. Karen Ashley, Howie Emmer, Arlene Bergman, and Julie Nichamin. Emmer and Dohrn have met with the Vietcong.