In 1861, Louis Napoleon, taking advantage of the war of the rebellion in the United States, and regarding (in common with most of the statesmen of Europe) the disruption of the Great Republic as prospectively certain, made the suspension by Mexico of payment upon all her public obligations, a great part of which were held in Europe, a pretext for the formation of a tripartite alliance of France, England, and Spain, for interfering in the government of the country; and in December, 1861, under the auspices of such alliance, an Anglo-French-Spanish military force landed and took possession of Vera Cruz. From this alliance the English and Spanish forces early withdrew; but the French remained, and soon made no secret of their intent to conquer the country. The national forces, under the leadership of undoubtedly the greatest and noblest character that Mexico has produced, Benito Juarez, reported to be of pure Indian parentage,[1] offered a not inglorious resistance; and in at least one instance undoubtedly inflicted a severe defeat upon the French army. But with the almost universal defection of the clergy and the wealthier classes, and with the country weakened by more than forty years of civil strife and an impoverished exchequer, they were finally obliged to succumb; and after a period of military operations extending over about sixteen months, or in June, 1863, the French entered the city of Mexico in triumph and nominally took possession of the whole country. A month later, a so-called "assemblage of notables," appointed by the French general-in-chief, met at the capital, and with great unanimity declared the will of the Mexican people to be the establishment of an empire in the person of the Archduke Maximilian of Austria, "or such other prince as the Emperor Napoleon should designate"; and in pursuance of this act the crown was formally offered to Maximilian at his palace in Austria in October, 1863, and definitely accepted by him in April, 1864. Viewed in the light of subsequent events, the point of greatest interest and importance in this scheme on the part of Louis Napoleon for the conquest of Mexico and its conversion into a French dependency, to the humiliation of whatever political organizations might be left after the war to represent the former Federal Union, and to the utter discomfiture of the "Monroe doctrine"—a scheme which Napoleon designed should constitute the most brilliant feature of his reign—was the connection of the Church of Mexico and its adherents with the movement. If not, indeed, as is often suspected, the instigators of it in the first instance, they were undoubtedly in full sympathy with it from its inception—and with good reason. For, as far back as 1856, Juarez, when a member of the Cabinet of Alvarez, had been instrumental in the adoption of a political Constitution which was based on the broadest republican principles, and which provided for free schools, a free press, a complete subjugation of the ecclesiastical and military to the civil authority,[2] the abolition of the whole system of class legislation, and universal religious toleration—a Constitution which, with some later amendments, is still the organic law of Mexico. Such a reform could not, and at the time did not, triumph over the privileged classes, the Church, the aristocracy, and the military leaders, and, although embodied in the form of law, remained in abeyance.
But the Church and the aristocracy at the same time did not fail to recognize that, if Juarez and his party ever attained political ascendency, their property and privileges would be alike imperiled.
The subversion of the so-called Republic of Mexico, with its unstable government and frequent revolutions, and its replacement with an empire, backed by the then apparently invincible arms of France, and with one of the Catholic princes of Europe on the throne, were, therefore, most acceptable to the Mexican Church and its adherents; and in Maximilian of Austria they thought they had found a man after their own heart. He was a man of elegant presence, winning manners, and of much refinement and culture; and these qualities, with undoubted personal courage, contributed to give him a certain amount of personal popularity and sympathy.[3]But he was, nevertheless, in all matters of government, always a representative of the highest type of absolutism or imperialism, and in devotion to the Catholic Church an extremist, even almost to the point of fanaticism. The first of these assertions finds illustration in his establishment of a court, with orders of nobility, decorations, and minute ceremonials; the construction and use of an absurd state carriage—modeled after the style of Louis XIV—and still shown in the National Museum; and worse, by the proclamation and execution of an order (which subsequently cost Maximilian his own life), that all republican officers taken prisoners in battle by the imperialists should be summarily executed as bandits; and, second, by his walking barefoot, on a day of pilgrimage, all the way over some two or three miles of dusty, disagreeable road, from the city of Mexico to the shrine of the Virgin of Guadalupe.
When the attitude and demand of the United States, on the termination of the rebellion, induced the withdrawal of the French forces from Mexico, Maximilian, at the suggestion of Louis Napoleon, prepared to abdicate; and, in October, 1866, even commenced his journey to Vera Cruz, with the intention of embarking on a French vessel of war and leaving the country. Unfortunately for himself, however, he was persuaded by the Church party, under assurances of their ability to support him, to return to the city of Mexico and resume his government. But the attempt was hopeless, and culminated some six months later in his capture and execution by the republican forces; and with the downfall of the "Maximilian" or the "imperial" government, Juarez became the undisputed, and also, to all intents and purposes, the absolute, ruler of the country.
This portion of the more recent history of Mexico has been detailed somewhat minutely, because the series of events embraced in it led up to and culminated in an act of greater importance than anything which has happened in the country since the achievement of its independence from Spanish domination. For no sooner had Juarez obtained an indorsement of his authority as President, by a general election, than he practically carried out with the co-operation of Congress, and with an apparent spirit of vindictiveness (engendered, it has been surmised, by the memory of the oppressions to which his race had been subjected), the provisions of the Constitution which he had been instrumental in having adopted in 1857. The entire property of the Mexican Church was at once "nationalized" (a synonym for confiscation) for the use of the state. Every convent, monastic institution, or religious house was closed up and devoted to secular purposes; and the members of every religious society, from the Jesuits to the Sisters of Charity, who served in the hospitals or taught in the schools, were banished and summarily sent out of the country. And so vigorously and severely is the policy of subjugating the ecclesiastical to the civil authority, which Juarez inaugurated in 1867, still carried out, that no convent or monastery now openly exists in Mexico; and no priest or sister, or any ecclesiastic, can walk the streets in any distinctive costume, or take part in any religious parade or procession; and this in towns and cities where, twenty years ago or less, the life of a foreigner or skeptic who did not promptly kneel in the streets at the "procession of the host" was imperiled. Again, while Catholic worship is still permitted in the cathedrals and in a sufficient number of other churches, it is clearly understood that all of these structures, and the land upon which they stand, are absolutely the property of the Government, liable to be sold and converted to other uses at any time, and that the officiating clergy are only "tenants at will." Even the ringing of the church-bells is regulated by law. All those rites, furthermore, which the Catholic Church has always "classed as among her holy sacraments and exclusive privileges, and the possession of which has constituted the chief source of her power over society, are also now regulated by civil law. The civil authority registers births, performs the marriage ceremony, and provides for the burial of the dead; and while the Church marriage ceremonies are not prohibited to those who desire them, they are legally superfluous, and alone have no validity whatever." (See "Report on Church and State in Mexico to the State Department," by Consul-General Strother, December, 1883.)
Such an achievement as has been here briefly chronicled was, in every respect analogous to and was as momentous to Mexico as the abolition of slavery to the United States. Like slavery in the latter country, the Catholic Church had become, as it were, incorporated into the fundamental institutions of Mexico since its first invasion and conquest by the Spaniards. It had the sole management of all the educational institutions and influences of the country; it held, in the opinion of a great majority of the people, the absolute control of the keys of heaven and hell; it had immense wealth, mainly in the form of money ready to loan, buildings in the cities, and haciendas or estates in the country, and all the influences which wealth brings. And, even when Mexico achieved her independence, the influence of the Church was so little impaired by the accompanying political and social convulsions, that the national motto or inscription which the new state placed upon its seal, its arms, and its banners, was "Religion, Union, and Liberty:"
Except, therefore, for the occurrence of a great civil war, which convulsed the whole nation, and in which the Church, after favoring a foreign invasion, and placing itself in opposition to all the patriotic, liberty-loving sentiment of the country, had been signally beaten, its overthrow, as was the case with slavery in the United States, would not seem to have been possible. And even under the circumstances, it is not a little surprising and difficult of explanation, that a government could have arisen in Mexico strong enough and bold enough to at once radically overthrow and humiliate a great religious system, which had become so powerful, and had so largely entered into the hearts and become so much a part of the customs and life of its people; and that every subsequent national administration and party have now for a period of nearly twenty years unflinchingly maintained and executed this same policy.
How the lower orders of the Mexican people, other than the distinctive Indian population, regarded the proceedings of the Government against the Church is thus described by M. Désiré Charney, in the account of his researches in Central America: "Upon the suppression of the monastic orders in Mexico, the confiscation of the property of the clergy, and the demolition of certain churches and convents, the multitude protested, but without violence. The leperos, all covered as they were with medals, rosaries, and scapulars, pulled down the houses of their fetiches, while the old women, indignant witnesses of the sacrilege, ejaculated their aves without ceasing. The exiles had fulminated the major excommunication against whoever should have act or part in the work of demolition, or should tread the streets cut through the grounds of the torn-down convents; but, after a week or so, all fear vanished, and not only did the destroyers go about their work without remorse, but they even used the sacred woodwork of the churches to make their kitchen-fires, and the new streets had their passengers like the older ones."—"North American Review," October, 1880.
Mr. Strother, who has studied the matter very carefully, suggests that an explanation may be found in the character of the Indian races of Mexico, who constitute the bulk of the population, and "whose native spirit of independence predominates over all other sentiments." He also throws out the opinion that "the aborigines of the country never were completely Christianized; but, awed by force, or dazzled by showy ceremonials, accepted the external forms of the new faith as a sort of compromise with the conquerors." And he states that he has himself recently attended "religious festivals where the Indians assisted, clothed and armed as in the days of Montezuma, with a curious intermingling of Christian and pagan emblems, and ceremonies closely resembling some of the sacred dances of the North American tribes." It is also asserted that, on the anniversaries of the ancient Aztec festivals, garlands are hung upon the great stone idol that stands in the court-yard of the National Museum, and that the natives of the mountain villages sometimes steal away on such days to the lonely forests or hidden caves, to worship in secret the gods of their ancestors. But, be the explanation what it may, it is greatly to the credit of Mexico, and one of the brightest auguries for her future, that after years of war, and social and political revolutions, in which the adherents both of liberty and absolutism have seemed to vie with each other in outraging humanity, the idea of a constitutional government, based on the broadest republican principles, has lived, and, to as large an extent as has perhaps been possible under the circumstances, practically asserted itself in a national administrative system.
When the traveler visits the cities of Mexico, and sees the number and extent of the convents, religious houses, and churches, which, having been confiscated, are either in the process of decay or occupied for secular purposes; and, in the country, has pointed out to him the estates which were formerly the property of the Church, he gets some realization of the nature of the work which Juarez had the ability and courage to accomplish. And when he further reflects on the numbers of idle, shiftless, and certainly to some extent profligate people, who tenanted or were supported by these great properties, and who, producing nothing and consuming everything, virtually lived on the superstitions and fears of their countrymen—which they at the same time did their best to create and perpetuate—he no longer wonders that Mexico and her people are poor and degraded, but rather that they are not poorer and more degraded than they are.
What amount of property was owned by the Mexican Church and clergy previous to its secularization is not certainly known (at least by the public). It is agreed that they at one time held the titles to all the best property of the republic, both in city and country; and there is said to have been an admission by the clerical authorities to the ownership of eight hundred and sixty-one estates in the country, valued at $71,000,000; and of twenty-two thousand lots of city property, valued at $113,000,000; making a total of $184,000,000. Other estimates, more general in their character, are to the effect that the former aggregate wealth of the Mexican Church can not have been less than $300,000,000; and, according to Mr. Strother, it is not improbable that even this large estimate falls short of the truth, "inasmuch as it is admitted that the Mexican ecclesiastical body well understood the value of money as an element of power, and, as bankers and money-lenders for the nation, possessed vast assets which could not be publicly known or estimated." Notwithstanding also the great losses which the Church had undoubtedly experienced prior to the accession of Juarez in 1867, and his control of the state, the annual revenue of the Mexican clergy at that time, from tithes, gifts, charities, and parochial dues, is believed to have been not less than $22,000,000, or more than the entire aggregate revenues of the state derived from all its customs and internal taxes. Some of the property that thus came into the possession of the Government was quickly sold by it, and at very low prices; and, very curiously, was bought, in some notable instances, by other religious (Protestant) denominations, which, previous to 1857, had not been allowed to obtain even so much as tolerance or a foothold in the country. Thus, the former spacious headquarters of the order of the Franciscans, with one of the most elegant and beautifully proportioned chapels in the world within its walls, and fronting in part on the Calle de San Francisco, the most fashionable street in the city of Mexico, was sold to Bishop Riley and a well-known philanthropist of New York, acting for the American Episcopal missions, at an understood price of thirty-five thousand dollars, and is now valued at over two hundred thousand dollars. In like manner the American Baptist missionaries have gained an ownership or control, in the city of Puebla, of the old Palace of the Inquisition; and, in the city of Mexico, the former enormous Palace of the Inquisition is now a medical college; while the Plaza de San Domingo, which adjoins and fronts the Church of San Domingo, and where the auto-da-fe was once held, is now used as a market-place. A former magnificent old convent, to some extent reconstructed and repaired, also affords quarters to the National Library, which in turn is largely made up of spoils gathered from the libraries of the religious "orders" and houses. The national Government, however, does not appear to have derived any great fiscal advantage from the confiscation of the Church property, or to have availed itself of the resources which thus came to it for effecting any marked reduction of the national debt Good Catholics would not buy "God's property" and take titles from the state; and so large tracts of land and blocks of city buildings passed, at a very low figure, into the possession of those who were indifferent to the Church, and had command of ready money; and in this way individuals, rather than the state and the great body of the people, have been benefited.
note.—An official report by the Mexican Government in 1879 thus reviews the progress of foreign (Protestant) missions in Mexico, and constitutes in itself a striking evidence of the marvelous change which has taken place in Mexico within the last quarter of a century in respect to religious belief and toleration. It says: "The Mexican nation was for a long time dominated by the Roman Catholic clergy, which came to establish the most absolute fanaticism, and the most complete intolerance. Not only was the exercise of any other religion save that of the apostolic Roman Catholic faith not permitted, but for a long time the Inquisition prevailed, with all its horrors, and all those not professing the Roman Catholic faith were considered as men without principle or morality. The exercise of any other worship, and, still more, the propagation of any other religion except the Roman Catholic, would have occasioned in Mexico, up to a little more than twenty years ago, the death of any one attempting to undertake such an enterprise; inasmuch as it was considered an act meritorious in the eyes of the Divinity, the extermination of those who pretended to make proselytes in pro of any other religion. Although the conquests obtained through the war of reform have effected a notable change in grace and public sentiment in this respect, the fact can not be ignored that fanaticism is not yet extinguished, and particularly in the towns distant from the centers of intelligence, and in which the indigenous element predominates."
"Notwithstanding this, since the year 1861, missionaries of various Protestant religions have come to establish their worship, and carry on their propaganda, not only in the capital of the republic and in its principal cities, where there were also great elements in favor of fanaticism, but in towns of the indigenous population, in the country, and in the very centers where fanaticism has had the greatest dominion for a long time, and where it still exists, although it has lost much of its old power.
"These missionaries have established these churches publicly, they have founded their religious worship, they have distributed their Bibles and other books, they have preached their doctrines in public, opened their primary schools and seminaries, established their orphanages, circulated their periodicals and publications, and have, relatively, and in view of the difficulties which they have had to struggle with, good success, and with scarcely any danger."
"There are no exact data, in this department, of the progress made in the republic by those missions, and only in an accidental manner has it been known what two of them have attained up to this time. The first, called the Mexican Branch of the Church Catholic of our Lord Jesus Christ, the existence of which commenced in 1861, already counts upon a church which serves it as a cathedral in the ancient temple of San Francisco, with the churches of San José de Gracia and San Antonio Abad; it has fifty congregations scattered in different parts of the republic; orphanages and schools, in which it is sustaining and educating more than five hundred children; theological seminaries, in which young men are being educated for the ministry; a weekly periodical entitled 'La Verdad' ('The Truth'), which is its organ, and counts upon more than three thousand active members. It must be borne in mind that this church is only one of those that work in that sense, and that, from the circumstance of having the character of Mexican, it has not counted upon so decided and efficacious a protection of foreign elements as the other churches which belong to different Protestant denominations, established in the United States and in England, which, through the desire of propagating their faith in every country, give themselves to expenses and efforts which they would not do in behalf of a new denomination having the character of Mexican." "The second Protestant communion, of which there are data, is the Methodist Episcopal, founded in Mexico by Dr. William Butler, in 1873. It has extended its propaganda in the cities of Mexico, Puebla, Guanajuato, Orizaba, Cordoba, Pachuca, Real del Monte, and Amecameca, where it has twenty-one congregations, and employs thirty-three missionaries, nineteen of whom are foreigners. It sustains a theological seminary, various schools, attended by 518 children of both sexes, and two orphanages. It publishes two periodicals, with a circulation of 3,200 copies, and published, in the year 1878, 830,000 pages of religious literature. It possesses values to the amount of $75,400, and its expenses for the present year are calculated at $37,000. The members of this communion number 2,350. Besides the churches of Jesus and the Methodist Episcopal, other Protestant communities have been establishing themselves since 1861, which are now ramified in towns of the states of Nuevo Leon, San Luis Potosi, Zacatecas, Yucatan, Oaxaca, Jalisco, and Mexico, and are denominated Presbyterian, Baptist, Southern Presbyterian Synod, Mexican Mission of Friends (Quakers), Southern Methodist Mission, Congregationalist, Independent, and Presbyterian Reformed, respecting which there are not sufficient data to note with accuracy their present condition."—" Report of the Secretary of Finance of the United States of Mexico," January, 1879.
- ↑ He is said to have been a Zapotec Indian, a race that were of the mountainous portions of the country, and which were never fully subjugated by the Spaniards.
- ↑ Before this date, members of the army and all ecclesiastics could only be tried for offenses by privileged and special tribunals composed of members of their own orders; but the Constitution of Juarez abolished all that, and proclaimed for the first time in Mexico the equality of all men before the law.
- ↑ So much has been made by the Church, press, and historians of the popularity of Maximilian, and of the genuine public welcome which, it has been asserted, was accorded to him on his arrival in Mexico, that the Mexican Government, within recent years, has caused to be published certain documents from the national archives, in shape of warrants drawn on the national Treasury in 1865 for sums expended in Vera Cruz, Córdoba, Orizaba, Puebla, and Mexico, for fireworks, illuminations, triumphal arches, etc., amounting in all to one hundred and fifteen thousand dollars; thus proving, at least in a degree, that what were at the time regarded as, and claimed to be, spontaneous manifestations of popular enthusiasm on the part of the Mexican people, were in reality but skillfully arranged devices on the part of the agents of Louis Napoleon.