2854723Decisive Battles Since Waterloo — III. Battle of Navarino—1827Thomas W. Knox





CHAPTER III.

BATTLE OF NAVARINO—1827.

From 1815 to 1830 all the wars of Europe were with the Mohammedans, except a few revolutionary and other affairs of no great consequence. The English made an attack on Algiers in 1816 to punish the Algerines for their piracies and for their cruelties to British subjects, and fourteen years later the same place was captured by the French and has since been held with a firm grasp. The Greek revolution, which broke out in 1821, was the revolt of Christians held in subjection by the Turks, the Moslem conquerors of Southeastern Europe, who had ruled the Hellenes with great oppression, and the struggle was continued until the independence of Greece was acknowledged. The war of Russia against the Persians, in 1826, was also a fight between Christianity and Islam, and so was the war between Russia and Turkey in 1828. Even the English in India were contending against the Moslems more than against warriors of other religions of the great peninsula, especially in their campaign to the north, when they penetrated the stronghold of Islam in Central Asia. The exhaustion which followed the Napoleonic campaigns left Europe at peace with itself, but did not restrain it from hostile encounters with the followers of the Prophet of Mecca.

The Spanish revolution of 1820, which was speedily followed by the revolutions of Naples, Sicily, and Piedmont, caused a great excitement throughout Europe, and paved the way for the Greek revolution of 1821. Since the beginning of the century the Greeks had been preparing for the struggle; in fact, for more than fifty years there had been a general movement in the direction of independence through the spirit of nationality, which was taught by the ablest writers and spread among the people as widely as possible. There had been many insurrections against the Turkish authority, but they were generally suppressed without difficulty, though with the shedding of much Greek blood. Nearly every village in Greece suffered from pillage by the Turks, and the families were comparatively few that did not mourn a father, son, or brother, killed by the Turks or carried into slavery, or a daughter or sister transported to a Turkish harem. In spite of four centuries of captivity, the Greeks had preserved their language, dress, religion, and other distinctive features of nationality. In this they were greatly assisted by the severity of the Turks and the difference in manners, laws, religion, and customs between oppressor and oppressed.

But notwithstanding their subjugation, many of the Greeks were commercially prosperous, and a large part of the trafific of the East was in their hands. They conducted nearly all the coasting trade of the Levant, and a few years before the revolution they had six hundred vessels mounting six thousand guns (for defence against pirates) and manned by eighteen thousand seamen. The trade had grown enormously during the continental wars which ended at Waterloo, as nearly all the nations of Europe were so engrossed in military matters that there was no chance for commerce. The large fleet of the Greeks was dreaded by the Turks, and the islands where most of the commerce was centred were not treated with the severity which the Turks exercised towards those dwelling on the mainland. The islands were shunned by the pashas, who contented themselves with exacting an annual tribute, and after its payment the inhabitants were left to themselves. This was particularly the case with Hydra, Ipsara, and Scio, the two former with thirty thousand inhabitants each, and the latter having eighty thousand. But their prosperity and happiness only served to make plain to the people of the mainland how much they were suffering at the hands of their Turkish masters, and how vastly superior to their own was the condition of the islanders.

In laying their plans for independence the Greeks resorted to the formation of secret societies, and so well was the scheme conducted that every thing was ripe for insurrection before the Turkish rulers had any suspicion of the state of affairs. A great association was formed which included Greeks everywhere, not only in Greece and its islands, but in Constantinople, Austria, Germany, England, and other countries, wherever a Greek could be found. Men of other nationalities were occasionally admitted, but only when their loyalty to the Greek cause was beyond question, and their official positions gave them a chance to aid in the work. Several distinguished Russians were members, among them Count Capo D'Istria, a Greek by birth, who held the office of private secretary to the Emperor Alexander I. of Russia. The society was known as the Hetaira, or Hetairist, and consisted of several degrees or grades. The highest contained only sixteen persons, whose names were not all known, and it was impossible for any member of the lower classes to ascertain them. Count Capo D'Istria was one of the exalted sixteen, and it was whispered that the Czar Alexander was another of the highest members of the order, together with the Crown Prince of Bavaria and Wurtemberg, the Hospodar of Wallachia, and other important men of the day. In this matter of glorious uncertainty regarding its highest members, the Hetaira was not unlike secret societies of more modern times.

The affairs of the society were managed by the sixteen members of the highest class, who had their seat at Moscow and maintained a ruling committee in almost perpetual session. The second class was called the Priests of Eleusis, and they were informed in a general way that the time for struggle with the Turks was approaching, but nothing more definite was told to them. This class included nearly all the Greek priests, and also no less than one hundred and sixteen prelates of their religion. The third class was the Systemenoi, or Bachelors, selected with care from the better classes of society; they were informed that the object of the society was to effect a revolution and separate Greece from Turkey. The lower class, which included every Greek who wished to join it, was by far the largest; the only information that was given to this class was that the object was to ameliorate the condition of the people by the spread of education and by securing changes in the laws. The secret of the society was kept in the most remarkable manner; though having such a large membership it was betrayed but once, and then in such a way that no suspicion was excited. The Turks were as much astonished when the society revealed itself in the outburst of the revolution of 1821 as though a volcano had opened under their feet.

All the Hetairists looked hopefully towards Russia, partly in consequence of their community of religion, and partly because of the fellow-feeling of the two countries in cordially detesting the Turk. The Empress Catherine excited two insurrections in Greece during the latter part of the eighteenth century; the Turkish fleet had been burned by the Russians in the Bay of Tchesmé; Constantine was christened by that name because the empress designed him as the successor of Constantine Paleologus, the last of the Cæsars; and the intervention of the European powers in 1789 had alone prevented the accomplishment of that design. The Greeks could hardly doubt that the Russians would help them when the struggle came, and, furthermore, they could expect little aid from other European powers, who were principally desirous of maintaining the Turk in Europe in order that Turkey might always engage the attention of Russia, thereby keeping her away from attacks on the other states.

An occurrence of 1819 caused much attention throughout Europe, and illustrated the devotion of the Greeks to their country and their detestation of the Turks. The town of Parga, on the sea-coast of the mainland, opposite the Ionian Isles, was ceded to France by the treaty of Tilsit in 1807, and transferred to England in 1814; during these seven years it was occupied by a French garrison, and its inhabitants learned to enjoy the advantages of Christian protection. In the treaty of 1815 no mention of Parga was made, and it was stipulated that the entire mainland of Turkey was to be ceded to the Porte. This gave Parga to the Turks, and the government of Constantinople notified the British governor of the Ionian Islands that it was about to take possession. Parga had then been held for a year or more by a British garrison, and the governor of the Ionian Islands promised that the garrison should not be withdrawn until the Turks paid for the property of such as would not remain under their rule.

All the inhabitants determined to emigrate to the Ionian Islands. The amount of the compensation was agreed upon by the commissioners, and one day, in June, 1819, the inhabitants marched solemnly out of their houses and proceeded to the cemetery, where they dug up the bones of their ancestors and carried them to a large pile of wood in front of the church. There these treasured remains were consumed by fire, and while the pile was burning scarcely a word was spoken. During the ceremony some of the Turkish soldiers, who were about to enter, approached the gate, whereupon a deputation of citizens went to the English governor and told him that if a single Turk was admitted before the bones of their ancestors were secured from profanation, and they and their families were safely embarked, they would instantly kill their wives and children, and die with arms in their hands after slaughtering as many as possible of those who had bought and sold their homes. The message was conveyed to the Turks who did not renew their attempt to enter until the whole party had embarked. When they took possession of Parga they found but one inhabitant remaining—a man far gone in a state of intoxication.

The immediate cause of the revolution, or rather the excuse for it, was the death of the Hospodar of Wallachia, January 30, 1821, followed by the appointment of his successor. During the interregnum, which naturally left the government in a weakened condition, the Hetairists determined to strike their blow for liberty. A band of one hundred and fifty Greeks and Arnauts, under the command of Theodore Vladimiruko, formerly a lieutenant-colonel in the Russian service, marched out of Bucharest and seized the small town of Czernitz, near Trajan's Bridge, on the Danube. There Theodore issued a proclamation, and such was the feeling of discontent among the people, that in a few days he had a force of twelve thousand men under his command. Soon afterwards there was an insurrection in Jassy, the capital of Moldavia, headed by Prince Alexander Ipsilanti, an officer in the Russian service. He issued a proclamation in which the aid of Russia was distinctly promised, and as the news of this proclamation was carried to Greece, there was a general movement in favor of insurrection. The Russian minister assured the Porte that his government had nothing to do with the insurrection, and the Patriarch and Synod of Constantinople issued a proclamation emphatically denouncing the movement, but in spite of this assurance and proclamation the insurrection went on.

Count Nesselrode declared officially that Ipsilanti's name would be stricken from the Russian army list, and that his act was one for which he alone was responsible. This announcement was the death-blow of the insurrection in Moldavia and Wallachia, as the forces of Theodore and Ipsilanti were suppressed, after some sharp fighting, by the hordes of Moslems that were brought against them. The Russians on the Pruth and the Black Sea were ordered to observe the strictest neutrality, and made no interference whatever with the movements of the Turks. Nearly the whole of Greece was in full insurrection in a few months, and with far better prospects than had the insurrection on the Danube. Turks and Greeks were embittered against each other; the war-cry of the Turk was, "Death to the Christian!" while that of the Christian was, "Death to the Turk!" The example was set by the Turks, and, to the eternal disgrace of the Turkish government, slaughter in cold blood was made official.

It was by the order and authority of the Porte that Gregory, Patriarch of Constantinople, a revered prelate, eighty years of age, was seized on Easter Sunday, as he was decending from the altar where he had been celebrating divine service, and hanged at the gate of his archiepiscopal palace, amid the shouts and howls of a Moslem mob. After hanging three hours, the body was cut down and delivered to some Jews, who dragged it about the streets and threw it into the sea, whence it was recovered the same night by some Christian fishermen.

Some weeks later it was taken to Odessa and buried with great ceremony. This act of murder was the more atrocious on the part of the Turks, since the patriarch had denounced the insurrection in a public proclamation, and his life and character were most blameless and exemplary.

It is safe to say that this barbarity had more to do with fanning the fires of revolt than any other act of the Turkish government. But it was by no means the only act of the kind of which the Turks were guilty.

The Patriarch of Adrianople with eight of his ecclesiastics was beheaded, and so were the dragoman of the Porte and several other eminent residents of Constantinople, descended from Greek settlers of two or three centuries ago. Churches were everywhere broken open and plundered; Greek citizens of the highest rank were murdered, their property stolen, and their wives and daughters sold as slaves; on the 15th of June five archbishops and a great number of laymen were hanged in the streets, and four hundred and fifty mechanics were sold and transported into slavery; at Salonica the battlements of the town were lined with Christian heads, from which the blood ran down and discolored the water in the ditch. In all the great towns of the empire there were similar atrocities; some were the work of mobs, which the authorities did not seek to restrain, but the greater part of them were ordered by the governors or other officials, and met the approval of the Porte. At Smyrna, the Christian population was massacred by thousands without regard to age or sex, and in the island of Cyprus, a body of ten thousand troops sent by the Porte ravaged the island, executed the metropolitan, five bishops, and thirty-six other ecclesiastics, and converted the whole island into a scene of rapine, bloodshed, and robbery. Several thousand Christians were killed before the atrocities ceased, and hundreds of their wives and daughters were carried into Turkish harems.

These and similar outrages plainly told the Greeks that no hope remained except in complete independence of the Turks, and from one end of Greece to the other the fires of insurrection were everywhere lighted. The islands, as well as the mainland, were in full revolt, and the fleet of coasting vessels, nearly all of them armed for resisting pirates, gave the Turks a great deal of trouble. Its first operation was to destroy a Turkish seventy-four-gun ship that had run aground in the Bay of Adramyti, together with eight hundred men of her crew. The Turkish admiral was so alarmed at the disaster that he retired with the rest of his fleet to the Dardanelles, leaving the command of the archipelago and the coast of Greece to the Greek cruisers.

On the land, battle followed battle in different parts of the country, and the narration of the events of the insurrection would fill a bulky volume. It is not our purpose to present a history of the Greek revolution; we will give briefly, a summary of the events between the opening of the struggle and the battle of Navarino, which was practically the end of the war for independence.

During the latter part of 1821, the advantages to the Greeks were sufficient to encourage them to proclaim their independence, which was done in January, 1822. In the same month the Turks besieged Corinth, and in the following April they besieged and captured Chios (Scio), ending the capture with the slaughter of forty thousand inhabitants, the most horrible massacre of modern times. In July, the Greeks were victorious at Thermopylæ; in the same month Corinth fell, with great slaughter of the defenders. In April, 1823, the Greeks held a national congress at Argos; the victories of Marco Bozzaris occurred in the following June, and in August he was killed in a night attack upon the Turkish camp; in August, too, Lord Byron landed at Athens to take part in the cause of Greece, which was attracting the attention of the whole civilized world. The first Greek loan was issued in England in February, 1824; Lord Byron died at Missolonghi in the following April; in August the Capitan Pasha was defeated at Samos with heavy loss; in October, the provisional government of Greece was set up; and the fighting became almost continuous in the mountain districts of Greece. In February, 1825, Ibrahim Pasha arrived with a powerful army from Egypt, which captured Navarino in May, and Tripolitza in June of the same year. In July, the provisional government invoked the aid of England; in the following April (1826), Ibrahim Pasha took Missolonghi after a long and heroic defence; and nearly a year later Reschid Pasha captured Athens.

Down to the beginning of 1826, the Greeks had felt seriously the deprivation of Russian sympathy and aid for which they had been led to look before the revolution. The death of Alexander I., and the accession of Nicholas in December, 1825, caused a change in the situation. The British government sent the Duke of Wellington to St. Petersburg ostensibly to congratulate Nicholas on his elevation to the throne, but really to secure concert of action in regard to Greece. On the 4th of April a protocol was signed by the Duke of Wellington, Prince Lieven, and Count Nesselrode, which may be considered the foundation of Greek independence.

Out of this protocol grew the treaty of July 6, 1827, between England, Russia, and France, by which it was stipulated that those nations should mediate between the contending Greeks and Turks. They proposed to the Sultan that he should retain a nominal authority over the Greeks, but receive from them a fixed annual tribute, to be collected by the Greek authorities, in whose nomination the Sultan should have a voice. All Mussulman property in Greece was to be abandoned upon receipt of an indemnity, and all fortresses were to be given up to the Greek troops. If the Porte did not accept these terms within a month, it was very plainly announced that the powers would for their own security "come to an approximation with the Greeks, which would consist in establishing commercial relations with Greece, and receiving from it commercial agents." In very forcible terms this meant that the independence of the Greeks would be acknowledged.

The Sultan expressed the utmost astonishment at this proposal, and declared his fixed determination to subdue his rebellious Greek subjects. He refused to listen to the scheme of mediation, and immediately made preparations for a fresh campaign, and also for the defence of Turkey in case of an attack. Ships and reinforcements were sent from Constantinople, and the Egyptian fleet, consisting of two 84-gun ships, twelve frigates, and forty-one transports, was despatched from Alexandria with five thousand troops, and reached Navarino towards the end of August, 1827. The allied powers had foreseen the possibility of the Porte's refusal of mediation, and taken measures accordingly; an English fleet under Admiral Sir Edward Codrington, and a French fleet under Admiral De Rigny, were in the Mediterranean, and were shortly afterwards joined by the Russian fleet under Admiral Heiden. A final note was presented to the Porte late in August, and as it had no effect other than a refusal to permit mediation, the representatives of the powers determined to take measures for enforcing a suspension of hostilities.

The allied admirals held a conference, and decided to notify Ibrahim Pasha that he must stop the barbarities of plundering and burning villages and slaughtering their inhabitants. But Ibrahim would not listen to their remonstrances, and to show his utter disregard for the powers, he commanded four of his ships to sail to the Gulf of Patras to occupy Missolonghi and relieve some Turkish forts, in effect to clear those waters of every Greek man-of-war which was stationed there. This he did easily, the allied squadrons being temporarily absent. Admiral Codrington pursued him and, without difficulty, drove him back to Navarino. The flagship Asia (84 guns) was the only vessel engaged. The admiral detained the Turkish fleet at Navarino, and there he determined it should remain until a satisfactory agreement could be made between the Porte and the powers. Although some hostilities had occurred, no actual battles had yet been fought, and the belief of a peaceful solution was entertained. As a last resort Colonel Cradoch was sent by Admiral Codrington to meet Ibrahim Pasha. The effort was useless; the Turkish commander could not be seen. A general muster of all the ships was ordered by Admiral Codrington, Commander-in-Chief of the squadron.

The strength of the combined squadron was as follows:

ENGLISH.

4 frigates,

1 cutter,

4 brigs, and

3 line-of-battle ships, all under the command of Admiral Codrington.

RUSSIAN.

4 frigates, and

4 line-of-battle ships, Count Heiden commanding.

FRENCH.

1 double-banked frigate, commanded by Rear-Admiral De Rigny.
2 cutters,
3 line-of-battle ships, and

1 frigate.

The Ottoman fleet was as follows:

13 frigates,

3 line-of-battle ships,

4 double-banked frigates,

28 brigs,

5 schooners,

30 corvettes, and

6 fire brigs, making a total of 89, excluding 41 transports.

The allied fleet mounted 1,324 guns, while the combined Turkish and Egyptian fleet mounted 2,240 guns. To this superiority in the number of guns on board must be added the batteries on shore, which were all in the hands of the Turks. But the Christians had a point in their favor in
their superiority in ships of the line, of which they possessed ten, while the Turks had but three; if the battle

had been fought in the open sea, it would have been of brief duration, but this advantage was very much lost in the Bay of Navarino, where the Turkish ships were crowded together under the batteries in the form of a semicircle, with their broadsides turned to the centre of the bay. The Bay of Navarino is four miles long and two miles wide. It is shaped like a horseshoe, and forms a good-sized harbor. At the narrowing ends, about a mile apart, were batteries, placed to sweep the entire plain in front. The united Egyptian and Turkish fleet was anchored in this bay, disposed in the shape of a crescent, the Egyptian portion being stationed in the centre.

The allied fleet entered the Bay of Navarino about two o'clock on the afternoon of October 20, 1827. The advance was in two columns, the British and French forming the starboard column and the Russians the port. Every man was at his post, the decks were clear for action, the gunners were ready with the implements of their occupation, and everybody waited the first shot from the Turks. The batteries were silent as the fleet filed past them, and not a shot was heard as the various vessels took up their positions.

Admiral Codrington moored his flag-ship, the Asia, directly opposite and between the Capitan Bey and the Moharem Bey, the two largest ships of the Ottoman fleet. Admiral Rigny took up a position to the windward of the Egyptian ships, and the Russians moved to the leeward in the bend of the crescent. The admiral ordered that the allies should not fire a shot until they were fired upon by the Turks. This order was rigidly obeyed. There was every indication that the Turks meant to fight. While the rear portion of the allied fleets was getting into position, a boat containing Lieut. Fitz-Roy and some men was sent from the Dartmouth to reconnoitre a Turkish fire-ship. Nearly at the same moment a boat was lowered from the Asia to carry her pilot, Mitchell, with a flag of truce to repeat to the Turkish commander that the desire of the allies was for peace. Lieut. Fitz-Roy's boat, while approaching the fire-ship, received a volley of musketry. The Asia's pinnace, having on board the pilot and a flag of truce, shared a like fate; the guns opened fire, and the fight became general.

During all the manœuvring the two Turkish line-of-battle ships which confronted the Asia maintained a persistent silence. But as soon as the pinnace had been sunk, they fired a broadside into the Asia, which heeled over for a moment; as she righted, she delivered her broadside with splendid aim. The firing was rapid, and in a little while the two antagonists of the Asia were helpless wrecks. Both their cables had been shot away, and the wind wafted them towards the entrance of the harbor.

But the Asia did not escape unharmed in her fight with two of the enemy's ships at once. Both her broadsides were kept going as fast as possible, and very soon she was so enveloped in smoke that nothing could be seen. She received many shot in her upper works; her mizzen-mast was carried away; her other masts were injured, and several of her guns were disabled. The disappearance of her two antagonists exposed her to the fire of the second and third line; she maintained her position until the end of the battle, and practically fired the last shot. At one time she appeared to be in flames, and there was great anxiety through the allied fleet. There was corresponding relief when the smoke cleared away, and it was found that an Egyptian ship near the Asia had blown up and was on fire. Part of her crew had escaped by swimming to the shore, and the rest had perished. Cheer upon cheer went up from the allies when it was found that the Asia was unharmed.

Almost simultaneously with the attack upon the Asia's pinnace that brought on the battle, a cannon-shot was fired from an Egyptian ship against the Sirene, the flag-ship of the French admiral. The Sirene immediately replied, and soon made an end of her assailant; but during the fight the Turks sent a fire-ship against her, and it is probable that she would have been destroyed, had it not been for the intervention of Captain Fellowes of the Dartmouth. On their side of the line, the Russians did some excellent work; in fact, every ship of the allied fleet was engaged, and it was not long before the superior discipline and drill of the Christians had their effect on the infidels. One after another the Ottoman ships went down, or were drifted ashore, and in less than four hours from the beginning of the contest the Ottoman fleet had ceased to be. Every armed ship was burnt, sunk, or destroyed; the only remaining vessels belonging to the Turks and Egyptians were twenty-five of the smallest transports, which were spared by order of Admiral Codrington. It was estimated that the loss in men on the Turkish and Egyptian vessels was fully seven thousand.

On the side of the allies, no vessels were destroyed, but the Asia, Albion, and Genoa of the English fleet were so much injured, that Admiral Codrington sent them to Malta for repairs which would enable them to stand the voyage home to England. Seventy-five men were killed and 197 wounded on the British fleet, and the loss of the French was 43 killed and 117 wounded. The Russian loss was not reported, and consequently was not supposed to be great. On the Asia alone there were 16 killed and 26 wounded, one of the former being the son of the Admiral. Captains Bathurst of the Genoa and Bell of the Asia were among the killed, and also Lieutenant Fitz-Roy, who was shot in the pinnace before the opening of the battle. The Asia had 125 round shot in her hull, 18 in her foremast, 8 in the bowsprit, and 25 in the mainmast. As before stated, her mizzen-mast was carried away. The fleet remained at Navarino until the 25th. As soon as the battle was over, the correspondence between the admirals was renewed, and it was agreed that there should be no further hostilities; indeed, there could hardly be any, as the Turkish fleet had been placed among the things of the past.

Ibrahim Pasha was absent on an excursion to Ryogos at the time of the battle, but he returned on the 21st, early enough to see the smoking ruins of his fleet. He had the good sense to see that the war was practically over, and that Turkey must cease to hope for the subjugation of Greece. In case it should set about the equipment of another fleet, the allied powers would follow their example, and bring a larger fleet, together with an army, that would make an end of the Ottoman empire with no great loss of time. He immediately applied himself to plans for the evacuation of Greece. By means of the transports which had been spared by Admiral Codrington he sent away his harem and five thousand sick and wounded soldiers, who arrived early in Alexandria after a speedy voyage.

It was feared that when the news of the event at Navarino reached Constantinople, the lives of all Europeans in that city, including the foreign ambassadors, would be in great danger, but happily there was no violence on the part of the Turks. The ambassadors pressed for an answer to their note of August 16th, and at length the Sultan replied: "My positive, absolute, definitive, unchangeable, eternal answer is, that the Sublime Porte does not accept any proposition regarding the Greeks, and will persist in its own will regarding them even to the last day of judgment." The Porte even demanded compensation for the destruction of the fleet, and satisfaction for the insult, and that the allies should abstain from all interference in the affairs of Greece. The reply of the ambassadors was to the effect that the treaty of July obliged them to defend Greece, and that the Turks had no claim whatever for reparation for the affair of Navarino. The ambassadors left Constantinople on the 8th December, and soon afterwards Count Capo D'Istria, who had been elected President of Greece, took his seat, and issued a proclamation, declaring that the Ottoman rule over the country was at an end after three centuries of oppression.

Thus was the independence of Greece established. There was little fighting after the events of Navarino, and early in 1828 Admiral Codrington and Ibrahim Pasha held a convention and agreed upon measures for evacuating the land of the Hellenes. During the summer and autumn Patras, Navarino, and Modon were successively surrendered to the French, and the Morea was evacuated by the Turks. Missolonghi was surrendered to Greece early in 1829, and by the Treaty of Adrianople in September of the same year the Porte acknowledged the independence of Greece, which was henceforth to be one in the family of nations.