terms, Mordaunt's Dutch squadron took its departure, and returned to Europe (Charnock, iii. 316-17; Hist. MSS. Comm. 11th Rep. pt. v. p. 136). While in Holland Mordaunt cultivated a close friendship with John Locke [q. v.] the philosopher, but his most intimate associate was one Wildman, a violent upholder of revolutionary principles. Wildman objected to the first draft of the prince's declaration, as laying too much stress on 'what had been done to the bishops,' and Mordaunt induced the prince to modify it in this and some other respects (Burnet, iii. 295). In matters of religion Mordaunt was a freethinker, and he was especially hostile to the political principles with which the English church was at that time identified.
When 'the business of England' was finally resolved on, Mordaunt, with Herbert and Edward Russell (afterwards Earl of Orford) [q. v.], was in immediate attendance on the Prince of Orange. On landing in Torbay he was sent in advance, to levy a regiment of horse. He occupied Exeter on 8 Nov.; and, still in advance of the main army, raised Dorset and Wiltshire in the prince's favour. At this time William placed much confidence in him, and during the early months of 1689 appointed him a privy councillor (14 Feb.), gentleman of the bedchamber (1 March), colonel of a regiment of foot (1 April), first lord of the treasury (8 April), Earl of Monmouth (9 April), lord-lieutenant of Northamptonshire (29 April), colonel of horse (15 June), and water-bailiff of the Severn (9 Aug.) It was supposed by many that the title Monmouth was selected as an indication that William did not intend to revive it in favour of the late Duke of Monmouth's son. It seems more probable that it was chosen by Mordaunt himself as reviving the title of his mother's family. His appointment as first lord of the treasury was strange, for he had no experience of business, but the administration of the office virtually rested on Lord Godolphin [see Sidney, first Earl Godolphin], whom, as a partisan of James to the last, it did not seem politic to place at the head of the board (Macaulay, iv. 21). Monmouth's work was mainly limited to the distribution of patronage, and he is said to have managed it in a liberal spirit and with clean hands. He offered Locke the embassy to Berlin; and when Locke declined it, on the ground of ill-health, he nominated him to be a commissioner of appeals (King, Life of Locke, Bohn, p. 172). He wished also to find some post for Isaac Newton; but before it could be arranged he quitted office (18 March 1689-90), accepting in lieu of it a pension and a promise of the manor of Reigate (Macaulay, v. 168). There was, however, no coolness between him and the king, who, on going to Ireland in June, invited Monmouth to accompany him. Monmouth declined, preferring, apparently, to remain in England as one of the queen's 'council of nine.' The 'nine' were all jealous and mistrustful of each other; but Monmouth by his self-assertion and ability excited more jealousy among his colleagues than any other. When the French fleet was reported to be in the Channel, when Nottingham and Russell were accusing Torrington of neglect or of treason in not at once bringing Tourville to action, Monmouth proposed that he, with another—apparently Sir Richard Haddock—should go to the fleet as volunteers, with a secret commission to take the command if Torrington should be killed (the Queen to the King, 20 June 1690). But although Nottingham, who wished to get Monmouth out of London, supported this proposal, on the grounds that the king had thoughts of appointing Monmouth to command the fleet, Mary refused to give the commission. After the battle of Beachy Head was fought, the council agreed to send two of their body to the fleet as a commission of inquiry. Monmouth begged to be excused on account of his relationship to Torrington, 'especially as they were not to command the fleet;' but—he told the queen—as the king had previously thought of entrusting him with the command, he had reason to expect it now. 'As for that,' wrote Mary to her husband, 'I never heard you say it; and if you knew what I shall tell you, if ever I live to see you, you will wonder' (ib. 3 July).
The queen's secret was, no doubt, the story of certain anonymous letters addressed to a French agent at Antwerp. These had been intercepted. They were written in lemon-juice, but, on being held before the fire, were found to be detailed reports of the deliberations of the council. Some one of the nine was manifestly the traitor. Several of them believed that it was Monmouth, and were confirmed in that belief by the fact that the letters, which had been regularly despatched after every council meeting, stopped during Monmouth's absence. Carmarthen, Nottingham, Marlborough, and Russell gave the queen their opinion that the letters were written by Wildman on information from Monmouth. Monmouth, on the other hand, told the queen that they were written by some one in Nottingham's office in the service of France. The queen herself believed that, directly or indirectly, the letters were part of an attack by Monmouth on Nottingham (ib. 7 July).
William did not share the queen's dislike and mistrust, though, probably in deference
