(Greece) . The Covenant passed its first reading at the third plen- ary session (Feb. 14), but was amended in details before it was finally approved by the fifth plenary session (April 28). The amendments were chiefly inspired by the wish to meet American criticism. One provided that members of the League might withdraw on giving two years' notice; another expressly guarded the Monroe Doctrine from attack. Among amendments which were considered but rejected it is enough to mention: (a) a Japanese proposal that there should be a clause declaring all members of the League, without respect of race or colour, to be equal; (b) an American proposal to forbid any discrimina- tion " in fiscal and economic regulations " between one nation and another (which would have put an end to Zollvereins and to imperial preference) ; (c) a French proposal to endow the League with a general staff and with powers to supervise the process of disarmament. (See LEAGUE OF NATIONS.)
To the same period belongs the main work of the Labour Commission, which began to draft the Labour Convention on Feb. i. The Convention was intended to convince the world that the interests of labour would be better served by supporting the Allies at Paris than by helping German Socialists to draft their Labour charter in the International Conference which sat at Berne in Jan. and February. The Commission, first proposed by M. Clemenceau, had an American chairman (Mr. Gompers); among the other prominent members were Mr. Barnes (Great Britain) and M. Vandervelde (Belgium). It contained no elected representatives of labour, but conferred with a number of labour leaders who were specially invited to Paris for the purpose. Its work proceeded smoothly and swiftly. The Con- vention enumerates nine fundamental principles, for drafting which Mr. Gompers was responsible; but otherwise it refrains from any attempt at remedial legislation. It is mainly con- cerned with outlining the organization, powers and procedure of a Labour Conference (an international labour parliament) and a Labour Office (a bureau of experts). The Convention links up the Labour Conference with the League of Nations, and provides that the original members of the League shall also be the original members of the Conference. The German delegates proposed (in May 1919) that the Convention should be revised by a conference of trade unions, in the light of the German Labour charter and of the Berne resolutions. This proposal was however rejected; the Convention in its final form owes nothing to German amendments. It forms section 13 of the Treaty of Versailles, and appears in all the other treaties with enemy powers. The Labour Conference met for the first time at Wash- ington in the autumn of 1919, but was attended by no American delegates, owing to the fact that the U.S. Senate had not yet ratified the Treaty of Versailles. (See INTERNATIONAL LABOUR.)
The Labour Convention was not presented to the Conference until April i, and for some weeks after the third plenary session (Feb. 14) it seemed as though the Ten and their satellitic com- missions were making little progress. This impression was strengthened by the temporary absence of Mr. Lloyd George (Feb. 7-March 5) and of Mr. Wilson (Feb. i4-March 14), who departed on urgent business of different kinds to London and to Washington respectively. For a time the Supreme Council was also robbed of M. Clemenceau; he was wounded on Feb. 19 by a French anarchist and was not seen again in public until March 10. But in any case the Supreme Council was at this stage burdened with a mass of formal duties which could not be avoided or postponed. It was necessary, under the rules of procedure, to hear the views of the " members with special interests." Late in Jan. audiences were given to the claimants for the German colonies, among whom the British Dominions were conspicuous. Then came the turn of the minor Powers and the oppressed nationalities: Rumania, Greece, Czecho- slovakia, the Hejaz, Belgium, the Syrians, the Druses, the Zionists, the Yugoslavs, Denmark, the Albanians, the Arme- nians and the Montenegrins. The ceremonial interviews rarely added anything to the case which had been already presented in writing; and all the claims, except those involving considerations of high policy, were referred, as the interviews concluded, to
the five territorial commissions, and to a central commission which was appointed (Feb. 27) to coordinate the conclusions of the territorial experts. On a few questions there was sub- stantial progress. A provisional agreement was reached as to the future of the German colonies. A Financial Drafting Commission defined the questions of finance and reparation which must be settled by the experts. Between Feb. 12 and March 3 the Military and Naval Drafting Committee prepared the first draft of the naval and military terms, and early in March Mr. Lloyd George persuaded the Supreme Council to accept the principle that all the enemy Powers should be obliged to abolish compulsory military service. By March 10 the naval, military and air terms were practically complete and on March 17, when Mr. Lloyd George was contemplating another visit to London, Mr. Wilson, M. Clemenceau and Sig. Orlando sent him a joint letter, begging that he would remain in Paris for the fortnight which, in their opinion, was the time required for completing the German treaty. Mr. Lloyd George agreed, but on condition that a more expeditious and more secret procedure than that of the Ten was adopted. He carried his point; on March 25 an official notice was issued that informal discussions by the delegates of the principal Powers would be substituted for the methods hitherto adopted. With this announcement began the period of the Council of Four. The Marquis Saonji, who might have claimed a seat in this conclave, abstained from doing so, except when Japanese interests were involved, on the ground of his ignorance of European languages. Council of Four, March zy-May 7. The Four worked at high pressure to complete the German treaty. They met two or three times a day; they confined their discussions to matters of principle and high policy; they left questions of detail and all technical subjects to the experts. But there were delicate and urgent problems, not all vitally connected with the treaty, which came up at many sessions, and some of these were never finally settled at Paris. The Four could never concentrate on one subject, to the exclusion of all others, until a definite agree- ment was reached; for each stage in a particular discussion involved a further, reference to the experts, and a longer or shorter delay until the experts were ready with their report. Hence a chronological record of their debates, if such were available, would be a bewildering document. But it is known what were the more contentious topics debated in these six weeks, and what were the main issues in each case.
(a) The guarantees for Germany's compliance with the treaty were a special anxiety to France. She asked that there should be a prolonged occupation of the left bank of the Rhine by French, British and American forces; that the Rhine bridge- heads (Cologne, Coblenz and Mainz) should be included in the zone of occupation; that the left bank should be permanently detached from Germany to form a neutral and autonomous state (" Rhineland Republic "). Great Britain and America had offered France defensive treaties (the " Three Power Treaty ") in lieu of these cumbrous precautions (March 14). M. Clemenceau accepted the treaties, but also pressed for the adoption of the French scheme. His colleagues would not hear of a Rhineland Republic; but they agreed that the left bank, and a deep belt on the right bank, should be denuded of fortifica- tions (Art. 180) ; and, more reluctantly, that there should be joint occupation for 15 years. Still another concession was extracted from them the last clause of Art. 429, which provides that, even at the end of 15 years, the occupation may be con- tinued if in the opinion of the Allies France is insufficiently guaranteed against an unprovoked attack. This clause was in- tended to provide for the contingency of the British or the American defensive treaty being still unratified at that date.
(b) The Saar valley was claimed by France in compensation for her ruined mines. At first she had asked for complete political sovereignty on historical grounds; but this solution, which in- volved the subjection of 650,000 Germans to French rule, was rejected by her Allies, who would not even restore the French frontier of 1814 in this region. But they conceded to her the Saar coal-mines in full ownership, and, not without some
