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274
The Fœderalist.

alter their Governments as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness,"[1] since it is impossible for the People spontaneously and universally to move in concert towards their object; and it is therefore essential, that such changes be instituted by some informal and unauthorized propositions, made by some patriotic and respectable citizen, or number of citizens. They must have recollected, that it was by this irregular and assumed privilege, of proposing to the People plans for their safety and happiness, that the States were first united against the danger with which they were threatened by their ancient Government; that Committees and Congresses were formed for concentrating their efforts, and defending their rights; and that Conventions were elected in the several States, for establishing the Constitutions under which they are now governed; nor could it have been forgotten that no little ill-timed scruples, no zeal for adhering to ordinary forms, were anywhere seen, except in those who wished to indulge, under these masks, their secret enmity to the substance contended for. They must have borne in mind, that as the plan to be framed and proposed was to be submitted to the People themselves, the disapprobation of this supreme authority would destroy it forever: its approbation blot out antecedent errors and irregularities. It might even have occurred to them, that where a disposition to cavil prevailed, their neglect to execute the degree of power vested in them, and still more their recommendation of any measure whatever, not warranted by their commission, would not less excite animadversion, than a recommendation at once of a measure fully commensurate to the National exigencies.

Had the Convention, under all these impressions, and in the midst of all these considerations, instead of exercising a manly confidence in their country, by whose

  1. Declaration of Independence.—Publius.