out at the same time exposing their own; but identity of interests may induce a community of operations up to a certain point. And let it be observed that the object of contention between these rival parties is, who shall have the administration of public affairs, the control of public expenditure, and the disposal of places: the question, I say, is not, whether the people shall be governed or not, but by which party they shall be governed; not whether the taxes shall be paid or not, but who shall receive them. Now it must be admitted, that Buonaparte is a political bugbear, most convenient to any administration. "If you do not adopt our measures and reject those of our opponents, Buonaparte will be sure to prevail over you; if you do not submit to the Government, at least under our administration, this formidable enemy will take advantage of your insubordination to conquer and enslave you. Pay your taxes cheerfully, or the tremendous Buonaparte will take all from you." Buonaparte, in short, was the burden of every song; his redoubted name was the charm which always succeeded in unloosing the purse-strings of the nation. And let us not be too sure,[1] safe as we now think ourselves, that some occasion may not occur for again producing on the stage so useful a personage. It is not merely to naughty children in the nursery that the threat of being "given to Buonaparte" has proved effectual.
It is surely probable, therefore, that with an object substantially the same, all parties may have availed themselves of one common instrument. It is not necessary to suppose that for this purpose they secretly entered into a formal agreement; though, by the way, there are reports afloat, that the editors of the Courier and Morning Chronicle hold amicable consultations as to the conduct of their public warfare: I will not take
- ↑ See the third Postscript appended to this edition.
