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the best way to get rid of that which encumbers a great part of the commercial policy of the country. But this much I may say, that there is not the smallest doubt upon my mind upon the question as to whether you should do that which you intend to do, calmly, considerately, in a season of prosperity, and with the dignity becoming legislators; or whether you should do it hurriedly, inconsiderately, under the pressure of popular uproar, and in the dread that you cannot deny that which still you fear to grant. I think, both with respect to Ireland and to the question of free trade, you ought to take advantage of the present time. You say Ireland is tranquil—you say trade is prosperous. Shall we, then, lose this opportunity? I think almost every man will admit, if you were forced by foreign war or internal commotion, you would give to Ireland everything she asks, excepting repeal; and also that, if similarly operated upon, you would not hesitate long about a change in your Corn Laws. If that be so, then, I would say, take advantage of the time before you, and consider yourselves most happy in being able to show yourselves indeed worthy of that great nation you are called upon to govern." Sir Robert Peel considered Lord John Russell's speech a mere party speech, and defended, at great length, the foreign policy of government. And, referring to promised financial changes and legislation, the right honourable baronet said:—"It being foreseen that alterations are to be made affecting certain branches of commerce, I believe an early declaration of the intentions of Her Majesty's government is by far the wisest course, although it may be a departure from the general rule. Next week will not, therefore, elapse before that outline shall be given. * * * I will not anticipate discussions which must hereafter come on. The House will judge whether the statement made by Her Majesty's ministers to-day in respect to the condition of trade, in respect to the state of the revenue, and in respect to the general