ruin. The Mercury said: "The thousands who were rivetted into silence, and reasoned into acquiescence, will go forth and attest these truths. It will henceforward be as impracticable and hopeless, as it has hitherto been ungenerous and unjust, to attempt to stigmatize the cause or abuse the men. So far as public opinion in Norfolk is concerned, the question is set at rest. The feeble opposition which can hereafter be offered will be confined to inconvertible prejudice or immoveable self-interest."
Mr. Cobden, Mr. Bright, and Mr. Moore, were in like manner successful at Taunton, where the Somersetshire farmers had congregated in great numbers. At first the deputation was received somewhat coldly, but conviction gradually stole upon the audience, and before the meeting terminated, the farmers testified their approbation of what fell from the real "farmers' friends" by enthusiastic cheering. Several of the landlord class, who, at the commencement of the proceedings, had formally claimed a right to reply, seeing all their arguments knocked upon the head, slunk away from the meeting, and there was not a single man, lay or clerical, bold enough to stand up amongst farmers, and contend that either they, or farm labourers, were benefited by the "protection" with which the legislature had favoured them.
A curious evidence of the state of opinion in that purely agricultural county, Suffolk, was afforded to myself on the following week. In consequence of the death of Sir Broke Vere there was a vacancy in the representation of the county, and Lord Rendlesham, a tory, and Mr. Shafto Adair, a whig, were candidates. I was on a visit to my friend Childs, in Suffolk, and had been announced as intending to address the farmers attending the Ipswich market, and it happened that Mr. Adair had announced the same place and hour to address the electors. Of course the candidate had precedency. He was received without a single cheer; he spoke for an hour and three quarters without a cheer,
