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who are still, as they say, unsatisfied in point of conscience as to this government, and therefore cannot join with us on such days as this, nor in the public offices of devotion in our Church." After quoting Mezeray respecting one of the Revolutions in France, "that when God designs to change the government of a nation, he strangely disposes the minds of the people to it;" he adds: "I do not think this a sufficient reason: because the people may change their opinions without reason: but when this is joined with other circumstances, of an injured prince, a just war, unexpected success, a public design against religion and liberties, no means left for any farther securing of them, but a wilful leaving the nation and government to shift for themselves, then the free consent of the people in such a way as it can be had, is of very great moment and consideration." He touches the two questions of the Deprivations and the Public Offices. He remarks that the Bishops refused to act when invited to do so, and that the separation was groundless. "Here, says he, was no such force as was used in St. Chrysostom's case, when he was taken from his see, and by a guard of soldiers was hurried from place to place, till he was wearied out of his life. Here were no such violent proceedings as in the cases of Euphemius, Macedonius, Elias and others. Nothing required of them contrary to Scripture, Fathers, and Councils, or the Articles of our Church: nothing but what the law required as a security to the present government: and if their consciences were not satisfied as to the giving of that, they might have retired and lived quietly. But why a separation? Where is there any precedent of this kind in the whole Christian Church, viz. of a poli-