poses, kindled by your king. Can your Excellencies be so wanting to yourselves, as, at this time of day, on the part of your master, seriously to talk to us of a security upon the true principles of the Constitution? Did it never strike you, that the Americans would expect to see such principles operating in England, before they could be duped into a belief, that America could possibly feel their effects from the dark recess of the royal palace? The lord mayor of London has openly charged Lord North, and the lords of the admiralty, with licensing ships to trade to all parts of America, in direct disregard, contempt, and defiance of an Act of Parliament to the contrary, passed so late as December last. And yet your Excellencies do not scruple to talk to us of a security upon the true principles of the constitution! Let the fountain be sweet, and then its stream may be salutary.
Your Excellencies say, " the king is most graciously pleased to direct a revision" of instructions and acts. If you really mean to conciliate, why will you insult the inhabitants at large. It was "the king's" bounden duty to have directed, not only a revision, but an amendment of his instructions; and to have recommended a repeal of the acts, when the people first complained of them. But he, having been criminally deaf to the cries of the injured, to terrify them into silence, having burnt their towns, restrained their trade, seized and confiscated their vessels; driven them into enormous expenses; sheathed his sword in their bowels, and adorned the heads of their aged women and children, with a cincture made by the scalping knife of his ally, the Indian savage; you now tell these injured people, that "the king is graciously pleased to direct a revision!" His very mercies are insults!
And so your Excellencies, besides your military commands, as Admiral and General, are also "Commissioners for restoring peace." Is there not some error in this title? Ought we not, instead of "peace," to read tyranny? You seem armed at all points for this purpose; and your very language detects the latent design. But you are Commissioners, and for the important purpose of "restoring peace," you are honored with a power—"to confer." And you have condescended to be mere machines, through which, as, through speaking trumpets, words are to be sounded from America to Britain! How much lower is it possible for your excellencies to degrade yourselves in the eyes of the world? By this, it is most evident, the British king has not one generous thought respecting America. Nor does he mean to grant terms upon the true principles of the Constitution. For, if to grant such terms, was bona fide the intention of your master, without doubt you would have been vested with competent powers. But he plainly means to grant nothing that he can possibly avoid; and therefore he would have the matter of negotiation drawn into length under his own eye. Can we place any confidence in such a prince? His aim is to divide, not to redress, and your Excellencies' Declaration is but a continuation of Lord North's conciliatory plan.
Thus, while we remember that Lord North declared, on the 20th of February, 1775, that his famous conciliatory plan was rather calculated to break a link in the American chain of union, than to give satisfaction to the people; and that the exercise of the right of taxing every part of the British dominions, must by no means be given up; that Lord Mansfield, on the third reading of the bill, declaring war against the United Colonies, affirmed that he did not consider who was originally in the wrong;they were now to consider only where they were, and the justice of the cause must now give way to their present situation; when we consider the king of Great Britain's speech to the Parliament on the last of November, and the Commons' address and his answer on the 7th of December, 1774; the Commons' address of the 9th of February, 1775, and the royal answer; and the speech from the throne at the last opening of the Parliament, October the 26th, 1775; all declaring an unalterable purpose to maintain the supreme authority of that legislature over all the dominions of the crown; in other words, their unalterable purpose, to bind us in all cases whatsoever; when we see your hostile array and operations, in consequence of those declarations; I say, when we consider these things, we can be at no loss to form a just idea of the intentions of your king; or to conceive what your Excellencies mean, by "the true principles of the Constitution." Nor are we to be caught by any allurements your Excellencies may throw out; you confess, and we know that you, as Commissioners, have not any power to negotiate and determine any thing.
