NO. 4
��TWO PHONETIC SHIFTS OCCURRING IN MANY ALGONQUIAN LANGUAGES
��301
��Algonkin . . . aw Potawatomi. mi> [aw]
Peoria aw
Delaware. . . aw
��> o [= o] before n a [= a
��>
��] before g, t, d
��> d [ a] before k [g]
> o before /
> a fa) before fe [= A, not ff]
> o before 7
> a before^
��It will be recalled that Shawnee, Peoria, and Delaware / corresponds to n ot the other dia- lects. I have not discussed the Cree examples that may'be extracted from Horden's grammar, as I do not know how to interpret the forms (see pp. 153, 154, et seq. Note netoshetozvow but nttoshetwak, etc.).
FOX
aneno'taivaic' HOW SHE UNDERSTOOD HIM 224. 5 , 'agu'i pwdwineno'tonAgivin"" HE WILL NOT FAIL TO UNDERSTAND us, keneno'tdgiindn'"" HE UNDER- STANDS us ; netdtawaut" i BROUGT THIS ON HIM
190.6, '(ftdtaU&Wi&tt?' HOW THEY TREATED HIM;
a'i'cimemvitotawiyaguf BY THE KINDESS THAT YE HAVE DONE ME 180.13, 'd'totonAgo""" HOW i TREATED YOU, dgwi nAndciniydcitotdtiu'dtcin' THEY
NEVER ILL-TREATED EACH OTHER 148.3, 'd'tdtti- gOWd d tc" HOW THEY WERE TREATED BY ; kldse-
tawiyagu* WHAT YE HAVE SET FOR ME 374.19, kekl'cisetdgundn""' HE HAS SET IT FOR us, dneckisetotc' HE SPREAD IT OPEN 172.10; dnotawatc' WHEN HE HEARD HIM 110.16, neteci- notdgdpen" SUCH is THE RUMOR WE HAVE HEARD
154.7, dnStdgdtC' WHEN SHE HEARD THE NEWS
170.19 ; nodclganitc' WHEN HE HEARD THE NEWS 146.14, d'pydtciiidtdgitsinitc' HE WAS HEARD AP- PROACHING 156.22 ; Ind'pydnutau'dtc' WHEN HE CAME TO HIM THERE 368.21, pyanntagiitcini THE
ONE BY WHOM SHE WAS VISITED 154.2,5, pydtlU-
tagute" SHE WAS VISITED BY 1 54. io, wi'pydnu- tdgog' [so read] THEY WILL BE VISITED BY 184. 14, lualcipyanutunAguuS [read -toriAgdu/] WHY i CAME TO VISIT YOU 178.10; a'kiciketeminauAivdt^ FOR THEY HAVE PITIED ME 186.18, d'kicilrdgiketemi-
��THEY HAVE ALL BLESSED ME 184.7,
ii'iketeminau'iyAn* THAT YOU WILL TAKE PITY ON ME 380.2, keketeminonep"'"' i BLESS YOU, neketemi-
ndgOg' THEY HAVE BLESSED ME 376.8, kldtcagl-
ketcniinagu d tc AFTER HE HAD BEEN BLESSED BY ALL ; anaghkmvatc HE MET HER 208.19, anAgis- kdgutc HE WAS MET BY 2o8.i^(, d'pydtdnagtskd- kuwatc THEY CAME TO MEET THEM [a passive in formation] 218.12 ; dgwiydp' ivigetawitcini HE
NOT SO MUCH AS GAVE ME EVEN A REPLY 368.!,
d'ptvaii'iwigetdgutc' WHEN HE GOT NO REPLY FROM HIM 360.24 ; neneskinawaw a \ LOATHE HIM 68.14, aneskinau'Mc' FOR THAT YOU LOATHE HIM 68.17,20, wdtcineskinfman' [read -nondn r \ WHY i HATE THEE 140.4, kme'ckino'ii 1 ' i HATE THEE, kene'ckitidgundn"'" HE HATES us ; d'kaske'tawcltc
SHE HEARD THEM 222.8, ka'cke'td'gn'sT 1 "'" HE IS
HEARD, kd i cke'tag h ""' HE is HEARD BY; keki'ci'ta'- u'ipen""' YE MADE IT FOR us, ktki'ci'td'n' i MADE
IT FOR THEE, mki'd'td.' g kwa( HE MADE IT FORME,
neki' ci'ta 'gundn'"" HE MADE IT FOR us (exclusive);
md'ki't&g&W&t" IF THEY MADE A SUDDEN ASSAULT
[contrast this with Cree (from Lacombe) mos- kistawew IL FONCE SUR LUI and Ojibwa (from Baraga) ninmdkilawa i RUSH UPON HIM SUDDEN- LY]. In the Algonquian sketch in the Handbook of American Indian Languages, part I, para- graph 34 I mentioned the use of -Amd- beside -Amaw-, -Amd- in the double object construc- tion. At the time I was unable to explain its use. It is now apparent that -amfl- is simply due to the operation of phonetic law. An example from the sketch is niivitamagwa-md OF COURSE HE WILL TELL ME IT as contrasted with awitAmman'
I TELL IT TO THEE, klWitAmawciw a THOU WILT
TELL IT TO HIM. Other examples can be readily found in the sketch. It is probable that -td- discussed in the same section is to be explained as being a phonetic reflex, and corresponds to -law- before vowels, and -to- before certain consonants. [It may be observed that d'tota'utc
HOW HE HAD BEEN TREATED 204.14)5 an error
for d'totau'iitc as is dtotalmtc HOW SHE WAS
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