117
perceptible on this point. A smash would have been unavoidable if the Red rule had lasted any longer.
Two "great" feats of government are due to the Red leaders. These were a proposal for a constitution, and an agreement with Russia. The constitution, which, after the definite victory of the people, was to be decided by a general plebiscite—or, "at least," by the general vote of the working-men, is only of interest in so far as it shows once more that the Red did not think of any social revolution. It contains nothing about the nationalisation of the means of production, but implies contract between private individuals. It, however, aims at a far-reaching democracy where every citizen becomes a professional politician. The power is with an assembly of two hundred members—a single-chamber like the one already in existence—but elected by universal and equal suffrage for all who have completed their twentieth year (not twenty-four, as before). The executive organ is a people's commission elected for three years from out of this assembly, which continually controls its activity through committees. Every decision taken by the Commission in a matter of administration may be referred by the committee of investigation to the test of the Single-Chamber, if the committee consider the decision to be opposed to what the Single-Chamber would probably resolve! In legislation, administration, and administration of justice, the people itself take part directly, both by the fact that 10,000 voters have the right of bringing in bills, and by the fact that one-twentieth of the members that have taken part in the last elections have the right to demand a plebiscite for the annulment of any decision taken by the Single-Chamber, the Commission or any other administrative authority, and for the repeal of the verdict of any tribunal. In order to "crush the bureaucracy," it
